“Glory to Breivik!”: The Russian Far Right and the 2011 Norway Attacks

Enstad, Johannes Due

doi:10.1080/09546553.2015.1008629

Cited by 8 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…54 The murdering of innocent children one by one was extremely ruthless and even violent right-wing extremists distanced themselves from the ruthlessness of the attacks. 55 Norwegian society also had little experience with terrorism, and although there had been other examples of extreme right-wing violence, there is no reason to believe that either Progress Party supporters or people with negative attitudes towards immigration should have been more supportive of terrorism.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are we all Charlie? How media priming and framing affect immigration policy preferences after terrorist attacks

Solheim

2019

West European Politics

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This thesis would not have been possible without the help and backing of a great number of people. First, I want to thank my two outstanding supervisors, Kari Steen-Johnsen and Knut Heidar who have helped me write what is here today. Knut has given invaluable feedback on never-ending drafts and revisions. Kari has always had the time for questions, for discussing possible ways forward and for shooting down my newest distracting idea for some interesting research. She has been incredibly flexible, given important feedback on short notice, and somehow always found something positive to say. I always leave her office in a better mood than when I enter. I have had the great privilege of collaborating with colleagues working on the same themes through the Disruptive Events Project. Marte Slagsvold Winsvold and Bernard Enjolras have always made time for one more discussion or reading of a draft, giving me new perspectives and insights. I have also learned a lot from discussions with, and feedback from, Shana Gadarian, Francisco Herreros and Atte Oksanen at our meetings around the world. As a lucky matter of coincidence two of my best friends were writing their dissertations when I started on this thesis. Atle Hennum Haugsgjerd has been a important friend (and colleague) through my university life and this thesis bears many signs of his influence. His importance cannot be overstated. Andreas Kokkvold Tveit has likewise been an important discussion partner, commenter and "office mate" at our writing sessions at cafés around Oslo and at Blindern. My colleagues at the institute have always given of their time when asked, and most of the work here have been presented and discussed at the institute's "Politikkseminar" under the auspices of Jo Saglie.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Are we all Charlie? How media priming and framing affect immigration policy preferences after terrorist attacks

Solheim

2019

West European Politics

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“…Furthermore, different forms and degrees of stigmatisation appear to have opposite effects on different types of extreme right activists (Linden & Klandermans ). While extensive repression and stigmatisation might fuel violence and militancy, a complete absence of repression and stigmatisation might also lead to the same outcome (given that a sizeable militant movement exists), as seems to have been the case in Russia (Enstad ). High or low repression and stigmatisation should, in other words, not be seen as mutually exclusive conditions, but rather as two alternative paths that may lead to a similar outcome (equifinality).…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 98%

Explaining right‐wing terrorism and violence in Western Europe: Grievances, opportunities and polarisation

Ravndal

2017

European J Political Res

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Why have some Western liberal democracies experienced more right-wing terrorism and violence (RTV) than others? This question remains largely unanswered in existing research on the extreme right because (1) events data suitable for cross-national comparisons have been lacking, and (2) existing analyses fail to capture RTV's causal complexity, which involve multiple causal paths (equifinality) comprising causal conditions that become sufficient for the outcome only in combination (conjunctural causation). To help fill these gaps, this paper uses new events data from the RTV dataset in a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) research design, aiming to explain variation in the extent of RTV in 18 West European countries between 1990 and 2015. In doing so, the paper identifies two "causal recipes" that consistently distinguish countries with extensive RTV experience from those with low or moderate RTV experience. The first (North European) recipe involves the combination of high immigration, low electoral support for anti-immigration (radical right) parties, and extensive public repression of radical right actors and opinions. The second (South European) recipe involves the combination of socio-economic hardship, authoritarian legacies, and extensive left-wing terrorism and militancy. Notably, both recipes contain elements of "grievances" and "opportunities", suggesting that these two theories, which are conventionally seen as contrasting, may be more fruitfully seen as complementary. Furthermore, a highly polarized conflict between far right activists and their enemies represents a third necessary condition for extensive RTV to occur. A key to combating violent extremism on the far right therefore lies in disrupting rather than accelerating such polarization mechanisms, suggesting that openness and dialogue might work better than public repression, stigmatization, or aggressive confrontation.

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“…Until 2023, Norway had not experienced any terrorist attack perpetrated by individuals of Muslim origin (Bangstad, 2019). Right-wing extremists were held liable for large-scale terrorist plots between 2011 and 2019.…”

Section: Norwaymentioning

confidence: 99%