How Economic, Strategic, and Domestic Factors Shape Patterns of Conflict and Cooperation in the East China Sea Dispute

O’Shea, Paul

doi:10.1525/as.2015.55.3.548

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…The islands’ proximity to the Chinese mainland, Taiwan and Japan's southernmost islands ( nansei‐shotō ), has resulted in multiple conflicting claims that they are within all of these territories’ maritime areas, creating a complex maritime dispute. Today, Japan's position holds that the Senkaku Islands are within the 200 nautical miles that are defined as Japan's economic zone (O'Shea, , pp. 551–553) and that "there exists no issue of territorial sovereignty" (MOFA, , p. 2).…”

Section: The Senkaku Islands Dispute—territorial and Maritime Claimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Vice‐Premier Deng Xiaoping reportedly suggested that it should be left to future generations to find a solution to the Senkaku Islands dispute (Fravel, , p. 157). The dispute came into focus as an IR case study again in 1992 after China specified its claims on the islands along with its maritime claims (O'Shea, , p. 551). Since that time, a series of events concerning the territory escalated the dispute to unprecedented levels.…”

Section: The Senkaku Islands Dispute—territorial and Maritime Claimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Identity Politics and the East China Sea: China as Japan's ‘Other’

Lindgren¹,

Lindgren

2017

Asian Politics and Policy

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This article contributes to the relational IR literature on identity politics and Sino‐Japanese relations. Theoretically, we develop Rumelili's framework for studying modes of differentiation by incorporating the sectoral characteristics of key discourse signs. Empirically, we apply this framework to the construction of Self and Other in the official Japanese security discourse regarding the Senkaku Islands dispute from 2010–2014, a period of dispute climax that is meaningful for studying the (re)production of Japan's understanding of China. The inclusiveness of the discourse signs that Japan uses to construct China possibly opens up for a positive evolution of Sino‐Japanese relations, as there is space for progress if China's behavior—and Japan's interpretation of it—proves to be more peaceful, transparent, and law‐abiding. The findings also suggest, however, that the strong sense of superiority in Japan (and China) vis‐à‐vis a subordinate Other may not bode well for Sino‐Japanese relations.

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Section: The Senkaku Islands Dispute—territorial and Maritime Claimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Senkaku Islands Dispute—territorial and Maritime Claimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Identity Politics and the East China Sea: China as Japan's ‘Other’

Lindgren¹,

Lindgren

2017

Asian Politics and Policy

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“…Dette betyr derimot ikke at vi tar noen lands parti i denne konflikten. 2 Konflikten er både en territoriell og maritim konflikt, siden Kina og Japan har lagt fram krav om både havområdene omkring øyene i tillegg til krav om selve Senkakuøyene, se O'Shea (2015). sikkerhetspolitisk praksis: representasjonene av Kina og potensialet for militaer konflikt spilte en sentral rolle i innføringen av en begrenset versjon av kollektiv sikkerhet i 2014 og 2015.…”

Section: Innledningunclassified