During the nineteenth century, British writers on India regularly invoked the physical, as well as moral, dangers of Hinduism, representing believers as not only in thrall to 'idolatry' but as potentially murderous when seeking to appease their gods. The sensational killings that so vividly filled the colonial imagination and which have provided fertile ground for historians, in particular the examples of sati ('suttee' or 'widowburning'), 'thuggee' (thagi, the supposed 'strangler cult') and female infanticide, were uniquely represented as Hindu crimes, rather than secular 'Indian' ones that might be perpetrated regardless of religious affiliation. 1 This article is the first work to jointly examine the continuities and changes in British representation of three distinct but related issues (sati, thuggee and female infanticide) that were held to exemplify the dangers of Hinduism from a gendered perspective. It analyses the years between the turn of the nineteenth century and 1860, when the imposition of the Indian Penal Code and the creation of the High Courts in the wake of the 1857 Great Rebellion caused a dramatic shake-up of earlier colonial policy and practice relating to law, crime and punishment. 2 Such dangers were perceived as primarily resulting in the victimisation of women and girls, but also in generating the supposedly flawed masculinity that adherence to the religion created in Indian men, veering sharply into either effeminacy or barbarism. These ideas, along with the colonial belief that following a particular faith in India led to ritualised and set patterns of behaviour -up to and including violence towards the self or others as acts designed to propitiate a deity -were persistently repeated, even when parallels could be drawn directly with the behaviour of Christian or freethinking men and women in Britain. Likewise, instances of Muslim men and women participating in crimes that were believed to be 'Hindu problems', such as female infanticide, were carefully dismissed or ignored as individual aberrations well into the twentieth century. 3 Singling out Hindus in these discourses of gendered violence also ignored the fact that by the 1700s, as Susan Bayly has noted, there was frequently a distinct overlap between elite Muslim and Hindu attitudes to gender, sexuality and what constituted appropriate behavioural and dress norms. 4 Few studies have considered British perspectives on sati, thagi and female infanticide in concert, preferring to treat each as distinct issues. 5 While sati and female infanticide were issues that impacted exclusively on the lives (and deaths) of women and girls, and thus could be utilised in both nineteenth-century colonial justifications