Japanese American Internees Return, 1945 to 1955: Readjustment and Social Amnesia

Kashima, Tetsuden

doi:10.2307/274964

Cited by 15 publications

(10 citation statements)

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“…If sufficient data can be found, then here, as elsewhere, there are questions that arise in regard to their representativeness and their authenticity. Various scholars (e.g., Stampp 1971, p. 367;Blassingame 1972Blassingame ,1978Kashima 1980;Lebsock 1984) have urged caution in their use and acceptance. Still, the direction I wish to take in this analysis of firsthand materials is to inductively formulate (Glazer and Strauss 1967) a model of the dependency-bond and the processes involved in its construction by oppressed people, referring back to their voices to give content and meaning.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dependency—Bond as Construct

Wolf

1994

Symbolic Interaction

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This article is a discussion of reality construction of dependency‐bonds by oppressed groups with an oppressor. In this model of dependency‐bond processes, it is suggested that oppressed people, when possible, attempt to translate the power‐dependency equation from one of coercion and objectification into a less onerous, more agreeable bond; that is, subordinate people strive to establish and to reinforce dependency relationships as a strategy of control whereby the power of superiors is deflected from coercive measures against them into lines of obligation toward them. It is further proposed that the secondary effects of this process include the social construction of subordinate identity as dependent and of subordinate place as dependent place.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dependency—Bond as Construct

Wolf

1994

Symbolic Interaction

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“…Japanese cultural values encouraging emotional restraint, a fatalistic view on life that discourages dwelling on the past characterized by the phrase “shikata ga nai” (“It cannot be helped”), as well as an emphasis on “gaman” (to endure and persevere) further discouraged discussion. Silence about the camps represented a “social amnesia” to suppress unpleasant memories and feelings (Kashima, ).…”

Section: Postwar Responses To the Incarceration Traumamentioning

confidence: 99%

Processing Cultural Trauma: Intergenerational Effects of the Japanese American Incarceration

Nagata

Kim

Nguyen

2015

Journal of Social Issues

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“…In addition, not accounting for group sizes in geographic locations, a dimension omitted in previous studies examining the recent intermarriages of Japanese Americans with Whites (e.g., Fu, 2001), biased estimates (Harris & Ono, 2005). Prior to the war, the Japanese and Japanese American population concentrated on the West Coast and later migrated off of the West Coast in a government-sponsored resettlement effort (Austin, 2007;Densho, 2009;Kashima, 1980). Because the group size of Japanese Americans was very small relative to that of Whites (in each region), racial and regional compositions should explain much of the homogamous tendency of the Japanese American -White pairings.…”

Section: Sources Of Biasmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Resettlement. Starting in 1944, small numbers of internees were released from camps, but because of fear, it took a while for many internees to actually leave the camps (Kashima, 1980). On leaving the internment camps, Japanese and Japanese Americans once again came into contact with Whites and became more likely to intermarry.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The assimilation hypothesis suggests a gradual historical decline in the level of in-group marriage (i.e., homogamy) and an increase in the level of intermarriage of Japanese Americans with Whites. Alternatively, the postwar marital pairing patterns of Japanese Americans with Whites may primarily reflect the severe exclusion that heightened in and persisted into the post -World War II period, thus altering any expectation of gradual assimilation (e.g., Austin, 2007;Kashima, 1980; see also the section Heightened Exclusion Hypothesis herein). Although cross-sectional studies of Japanese American -White pairing patterns exist (Fu, 2001;Hwang, Saenz, & Aguirre, 1994), none has examined the historical shifts in the patterns immediately before and after World War II by removing compositional influences with log-linear models.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Homogamy and Intermarriage of Japanese and Japanese Americans With Whites Surrounding World War II

Ono

Berg

2010

J of Marriage and Family

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Although some sociologists have suggested that Japanese Americans quickly assimilated into mainstream America, scholars of Japanese America have highlighted the heightened exclusion that the group experienced. This study tracked historical shifts in the exclusion level of Japanese and Japanese Americans in the United States surrounding World War II with homogamy and intermarriage with Whites for the prewar (1930)(1931)(1932)(1933)(1934)(1935)(1936)(1937)(1938)(1939)(1940) and resettlement marriage cohorts. The authors applied log-linear models to census microsamples (N = 1,590,416) to estimate the odds ratios of homogamy versus intermarriage. The unadjusted odds ratios of Japanese Americans declined between cohorts and appeared to be consistent with the assimilation hypothesis. Once compositional influences and educational pairing patterns were adjusted, however, the odds ratios increased and supported the heightened exclusion hypothesis. KeywordsAsian/Pacific Islander families; family diversity; interracial marriage; log-linear analysis; mate selectionOver the past few decades, some sociologists have argued that the significance of race declined for Blacks and other racial or ethnic minority groups (e.g., Sakamoto, Wu, & Tzeng, 2000;Wilson, 1978). Chinese and Japanese Americans were frequently noted as the racial groups that achieved the highest levels of economic assimilation and for whom race and ethnicity mattered the least (Chin, 2005;Nee & Sanders, 1985;Sakamoto et al., 2000).As Payne (1989) noted, however, even when structural assimilation, including economic and educational incorporation, takes place, social exclusion in intimate relationships could persist (Tinker, 1982). Marriage markets contain valuable information on the social exclusionary barriers that encourage in-group marriage, perpetuate monoethnic identity (Rosenfeld, 2008), and suppress the well-being of individuals by restricting their access to distinct resources available to each racial and ethnic group (Binning, Unzueta, Huo, & Molina, 2009). Examining racial and ethnic barriers is essential to understanding U.S. marriage markets; even in the recent years, they have been reported as more rigid than religious and educational barriers (Rosenfeld, 2008). Rosenfeld (2008) suggested that, in the mid-1990s, researchers' persistent reliance on an assimilationist framework (e.g., Gordon, 1964) slowed the understanding of how racial barriers could persist or strengthen in the U.S. marriage market.(ono@wsu.edu).. This article was edited by Jay Teachman. NIH Public Access NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptSocial barriers in the U.S. marriage market were commonly captured by the minority group's level of in-group versus out-group marriage with the majority group, net of the influence of structural characteristics such as spouses' educational status (e.g., Batson, Qian, & Lichter, 2006;Kalmijn, 1998;Qian & Lichter, 2007). Pairing patterns of Japanese Americans with Whites immediately after World War II...

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Japanese American Internees Return, 1945 to 1955: Readjustment and Social Amnesia

Cited by 15 publications

References 0 publications

Dependency—Bond as Construct

Dependency—Bond as Construct

Processing Cultural Trauma: Intergenerational Effects of the Japanese American Incarceration

Homogamy and Intermarriage of Japanese and Japanese Americans With Whites Surrounding World War II

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