Les interrogatives indirectes en discours informel oral

Lefeuvre, Florence; Rossi-Gensane, Nathalie

doi:10.3917/lf.196.0051

Cited by 6 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Laurier 1989], and by centuries of distance from metropolitan French and its normalising influence. survival of a vernacular, colloquial, form 'de registre populaire' (Ledegen 2016), which is in line with the evolutionary trends of French (Guiraud 1966: 46;Lefeuvre & Rossi-Gensane 2017). The term populaire is used here in the ordinary sense of 'un usage non standard stigmatisé' (Gadet 1992: 27), with all the criticisms 30 that the term deserves.…”

mentioning

confidence: 71%

“…9 These authors mention a single example of embedded Wh-in situ clause ("il regardait pas c'était qui"), and point out that "the absence of distinction between direct and indirect interrogation [has been recorded] for a long time" (1998: 110), and belongs to the "traits héréditaires populaires" (1998: 121). The structure is somehow attested in the research of Lefeuvre and Rossi-Gensane (2017) who find six forms: one in the Corpus de français parlé parisien (CFPP2000 10 ) (out of 144 embedded interrogatives) and five (out of 98) in the ESLO corpus 11 (Les repas, dating from 2012).…”

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confidence: 86%

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The embedded Wh- in situ clause: French tout court? Les spasmes musculaires incontrôlés, je sais pas c’est quoi (France Info 20/10/21)

Ledegen

2024

J. Fr. Lang. Stud.

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Although not studied by the generative approach (Shlonsky 2017), the embedded Wh- in situ clause nevertheless belongs to the French language spoken in a large amount of areas, and, we believe, to “français tout court” (Blanche-Benveniste & Jeanjean 1987): until now, it has mainly been studied in Quebec (Lefebvre & Maisonneuve 1982; Blondeau & Ledegen 2021) and in Reunion Island (Ledegen 2007a, 2007b, 2007c, 2016; Ledegen & Martin 2020), but it has recently been massively attested in the Multicultural Paris French project in the suburbs of Paris (Gardner-Chloros & Secova 2018) and Strasbourg (Marchessou 2018). These new data could be read as a language contact, as a recent linguistic change, or as a long-established “popular” structure (Guiraud 1966), different analytical hypotheses that will be detailed in this study. These recent data also argue in favour of the methodology of ecological corpora, obtained within the framework of a strong acquaintanceship and located at the pole of communicative proximity (Koch & Oesterreicher 2001). The examination of various existing corpora will reveal the structural functioning of the structure and contrast the corpora following the modes of interaction, the oral or written medium, as well as on the chronological axis.

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confidence: 71%

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confidence: 86%

The embedded Wh- in situ clause: French tout court? Les spasmes musculaires incontrôlés, je sais pas c’est quoi (France Info 20/10/21)

Ledegen

2024

J. Fr. Lang. Stud.

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“…– je sais pas il a fait quoi ’). This is the explanation favoured by Lefeuvre and Rossi-Gensane (2017) in an extensive review of forms which embedded questions can take in France, including the in situ structure.…”

Section: Multilingual City Change Contact-based Explanation or Intermentioning

confidence: 91%

“…Embedded questions have not been the subject of research to nearly the same extent (though see Lefeuvre and Rossi-Gensane 2017). Also, as Andersen and Hansen point out, in casual speech the dividing line between embedded and non-embedded questions is not always clear, owing to pauses and false starts (2000: 148).…”

Section: The Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

Grammatical change in Paris French:in situquestion words in embedded contexts

Gardner‐Chloros

Secova

2018

French Language Studies

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This article will review the parameters of a grammatical variable within the putative variety ‘Multicultural Paris French’, i.e. its distribution and use within a group of young banlieue speakers. The structure in question stands out as it has rarely been found in previous corpora in France: indirect questions following verbs like savoir, where the question word is post-verb (je sais pas il a dit quoi). We discuss which groups use the new forms in Paris, referring briefly to some comparable changes in London. This structure appears to be an instance of ‘change from below’ (Labov, 2007), which seems to have emerged in the speech of young people of immigrant background. It might also, on the other hand, be a long-standing vernacular variant, which has re-emerged, with specific identity-related significance, in this particular group of speakers. Its exceptional character in the Paris context highlights a lack of evidence for the emergence of a more wide-ranging, distinct multiethnolect, as found in London and other European capitals.

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“…8On signalera également la fiche FRACOV intitulée « Interrogation » (Lefeuvre et Rossi-Gensane 2015), qui propose une présentation synthétique détaillée des interrogatives directes dans l’oral réel à partir de sept corpus.…”

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Les structures interrogatives directes partielles fondées sur où dans les dialogues de romans français du XX^esiècle

Rossi-Gensane

Córdoba

Ursi

et al. 2021

French Language Studies

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Résumé Nous appuyant sur un corpus de 2731 occurrences constitué au sein de Frantext à partir de 1250 textes (soit 78 063 933 mots), nous proposons un panorama de diverses structures interrogatives directes partielles fondées sur où dans les dialogues de romans français entre 1900 et 1997. Nous relions ces structures à des facteurs tels que la date de l’œuvre, le sexe, l’âge, l’appartenance sociale et l’origine géographique du personnage auquel est attribué le discours direct, etc., en envisageant également la situation de communication fictionnelle. L’article entend, à partir d’études existantes sur l’oral réel, apprécier l’écart – et son évolution – entre celui-ci et l’oral mis en scène à l’écrit, avec un éclairage quantitatif inédit. Malgré l’absence d’études sur l’oral réel dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, il peut être souligné en fin de siècle un réalisme accru, les normes objectives de l’oral mis en scène allant dans le sens (généralement avec décalage) de celles de l’oral réel. Peut alors aussi être mise en évidence une plus grande prise en compte de la dimension diaphasique au détriment de la dimension diastratique.

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Les interrogatives indirectes en discours informel oral

Cited by 6 publications

References 10 publications

The embedded Wh- in situ clause: French tout court? Les spasmes musculaires incontrôlés, je sais pas c’est quoi (France Info 20/10/21)

The embedded Wh- in situ clause: French tout court? Les spasmes musculaires incontrôlés, je sais pas c’est quoi (France Info 20/10/21)

Grammatical change in Paris French:in situquestion words in embedded contexts

Les structures interrogatives directes partielles fondées sur où dans les dialogues de romans français du XX^esiècle

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Les interrogatives indirectes en discours informel oral

Cited by 6 publications

References 10 publications

The embedded Wh- in situ clause: French tout court? Les spasmes musculaires incontrôlés, je sais pas c’est quoi (France Info 20/10/21)

The embedded Wh- in situ clause: French tout court? Les spasmes musculaires incontrôlés, je sais pas c’est quoi (France Info 20/10/21)

Grammatical change in Paris French:in situquestion words in embedded contexts

Les structures interrogatives directes partielles fondées sur où dans les dialogues de romans français du XXesiècle

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Les structures interrogatives directes partielles fondées sur où dans les dialogues de romans français du XX^esiècle