Locating the government: Capital cities and civil conflict

Potter, Alan

doi:10.1177/2053168017734077

Cited by 7 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…In the last 30 years, only a few countries have conducted it, e.g., Nigeria (1991), Kazakhstan (1997), Malaysia (1999), Myanmar (2005, and South Korea (2005). Approximately 30% of all countries have their capital outside their largest cities (Potter, 2017), including Indonesia, planning to move its capital outside the big cities. The following discusses several aspects such as economics, institutions, spatial planning, social and environment.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, some studies point to politics and conflict as the reasons for moving the capital. According to Potter (2017), appointing a capital outside the largest city would diminish civil conflicts by limiting each faction from dominating the government. Campante et al (2013) assumed that the threat to government elites from faction groups in large cities would be further removed.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Indonesia’s capital city relocation: A perspective of regional planning

Farida

2021

JES

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The role of a capital city is essential for a nation. Indonesia’s plan to relocate its capital from Jakarta to North Penajam Paser has been set in stone. The Indonesian government targets the relocation to be executed in 2024; therefore, the preparations and capital city development must start from 2020. This research aims to study capital relocation from the perspective of regional planning concerning institutional, spatial planning, the economy, social aspects, and the environment. The data source used in this research was the secondary data obtained from literature review and document analysis. The new capital must present a distinct identity, as it will determine the institutional that will lead to success. The main reasons for the capital relocation are growth and economic equality for the eastern part of Indonesia. It means that development will be encouraged to achieve these goals. On the other hand, overly rapid development in the new capital is also undesirable—a challenging paradox for the institutions involved that demands creativity and innovation for a successful capital relocation.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indonesia’s capital city relocation: A perspective of regional planning

Farida

2021

JES

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“…It is estimated that worldwide since World War I, such an event takes place on average every six years, with examples from every continent, as diverse as Myanmar, Brazil and Kazakhstan (Campante et al 2015: 6-7). Up to 30 percent of capital cities are today outside of society's largest city (Potter 2017). The rationale for moving capital cities differs for many developing nations, but centres around the needs of statebuilding to marginalise or disempower rivals and consolidate authority through patronage networks.…”

Section: Legal Manoeuvresmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Given the association between cities and opposition groups, an outcome of relocating capital cities away from a society's primary city can be the weakening of the hold that interest groups associated with that city have on state power, and equally the empowerment of other groups within society, increasing the ability of a state to resolve civil conflict. It has been argued that there is a correlation between this arrangement and reduced civil conflict (Potter 2017), and an association between moving capital cities and authoritarianism (Schatz 2004: 118).…”

Section: Legal Manoeuvresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Control the Capital: Cities and Political Dominance

Goodfellow

Jackman

2020

SSRN Journal

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As optimism about the 'third wave' of democratisation has waned in the face of continued and renewed authoritarianism across the world, analyses of authoritarian dominance remain focused primarily on the national scale. We are argue that cities, and especially capital cities, play crucial roles in the production of dominance and the politics of maintaining it, as well as being sites of popular resistance. However, the varying ways in which governing elites deploy their resources and strategies in the urban arena in pursuit of dominance remain underexplored. In this conceptual framing paper for a multi-country comparative study spanning Africa and Asia, we suggest that strategies for urban dominance can be analysed in accordance with two overlapping modalities: interventions that are generative by design (their primary intention is to create some new form of support); and those that are repressive by design (their primary aim is to destroy or inhibit some form of opposition). We then present a typology of strategies that cut across these spheres of intervention and include co-optation, legitimising discourses, legal manoeuvres, coercive distribution and violent coercion. This framework is designed to inform empirical analysis of strategies of urban dominance, how these change over time and how they are deployed in varying combinations, facilitating a deeper understanding of how struggles for control shape urban outcomes.

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“…Quite a number are doubtful about the relocation being realized, as the decision to relocate the country's capital is a challenging and difficult decision to act upon (Nwafor 1980). Nevertheless, it is impossible, as shown by significant states such as The United States, Brazil, and Australia, having once relocated their country (Potter 2017). The relocation of the nation's capital city will affect the development of the surrounding area, meaning that the equitable development in East Kalimantan will increase.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political trust of the Dayak Paser indigenous law community regarding the capital city relocation policy

Syarifuddin

Rahmawati

Efendi

2020

MKP

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The country’s capital will succeed if it works well as the national government center, a prosperous and livable city. As the country’s multifunctional capital, Jakarta has undoubtedly caused many social, political, and economic problems that are difficult to overcome. This article aims to determine the political trust in the indigenous law community of Dayak Paser concerning the national capital relocation policy, using qualitative analysis consisting of a literature study approach with Nvivo 12 Plus application to analyze the data derived from internet websites. The author used government alignments, cultural norms, and economic change as the indicators in this study. The author also separates the community of Dayak Paser into the indigenous law community and the indigenous leaders. The result is that the members of the indigenous law communities prefer the sustainability of the cultural norms. The dominant indigenous figures prefer the government’s alignments. If the government guarantees the standard order, then the indigenous law community’s site and rights will not go extinct. Indigenous leaders and the members of the indigenous law community are equally subordinate to the economic factors. The conclusion that the government’s alignment toward sustainability cultural norms affects the economic changes. The author also recommends that the country’s capital design should use a metaphorical concept approach.

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Locating the government: Capital cities and civil conflict

Cited by 7 publications

References 13 publications

Indonesia’s capital city relocation: A perspective of regional planning

Indonesia’s capital city relocation: A perspective of regional planning

Control the Capital: Cities and Political Dominance

Political trust of the Dayak Paser indigenous law community regarding the capital city relocation policy

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