Mobilizing Poor Voters

Abstract

Democracy has provided opportunities for political representation and accountability, but it has also created incentives for creating and maintaining clientelistic networks. Why has clientelism consolidated with the introduction of democracy? Drawing on network analysis, Mobilizing Poor Voters answers this question by describing and explaining the emergence, maintenance, and disappearance of political, partisan, and social networks in Argentina. Combining qualitative and quantitative data gathered during twenty-four months of field research in eight municipalities in Argentina, Mobilizing Poor Voters shows that when party leaders distribute political promotions to party candidates based only on the number of voters they mobilize, party leaders incentivize the use of clientelistic strategies among candidates competing to mobilize voters in poor neighborhoods. The logic of perverse incentives examined in this book explains why candidates who use clientelism succeed in getting elected and re-elected over time, contributing to the consolidation of political machines at the local level.

Remittances and Vote Buying

“…Negative estimates can occur in these models since they are estimated using OLS rather than a probability scale. While other researchers have suggested theories to explain why targeting core supporters with strong turnout records for loyalty reinforcement can make strategic sense (Díaz-Cayeros, Estévez, and Magaloni 2016) or why broker incentives lead to over-targeting this group, for which clientelistic appeals are thought to be "wasted" (Stokes et al 2013;Szwarcberg 2015), a better use of scarce resources for rational campaigns would be to purchase turnout of core supporters with inconsistent turnout propensities (Nichter 2008). Estimates derived from Model 12 confirm this expectation.…”

“…Indeed, the literature on vote buying shows that voters' low propensity to turn out to vote in elections is a key parameter that features prominently in brokers' targeting decisions (Nichter 2008;Stokes et al 2013;González-Ocantos, Kiewiet de Jonge, and Nickerson 2015). In addition to luring voters to the polls, gifts and favors are used to shore up attendance at rallies, thus fostering closer ties with candidates and parties (Muñoz 2014;Szwarcberg 2015).…”

Causas y efectos del patronazgo en municipios de Chile, 2008-2012

“…Los vínculos clientelares han sido estudiados con frecuencia como un fenómeno propio de las sociedades preindustriales con altas tasas de pobreza y desigualdad económica (Alesina, Danninger & Rostagno, 2001;Roniger, 2004;Stokes, 2007;Kitschelt & Wilkinson, 2012). En algunos países en vías de desarrollo, un empleo en el sector público es la única fuente de trabajo en el sector formal para trabajadores no cualificados, lo que facilita las prácticas de patronazgo (Szwarcberg, 2015). No obstante, se ha reconocido la persistencia del clientelismo en democracias avanzadas e industriales (Alesina, Danninger & Rostagno, 2001;Roniger, 2004;Kitschelt & Wilkinson, 2012).…”

“…No obstante, se ha reconocido la persistencia del clientelismo en democracias avanzadas e industriales (Alesina, Danninger & Rostagno, 2001;Roniger, 2004;Kitschelt & Wilkinson, 2012). La consolidación de las máquinas electorales en democracias avanzadas se debe a que los partidos tienen fuertes incentivos para seguir promocionando ese tipo de vínculo entre candidato y elector una vez que llegan al gobierno (Szwarcberg, 2015).…”

“…Esto es lo que Gardner (1991) llama "abusos de la incumbencia". En estos casos, el candidato incumbente dispone de recursos públicos para desarrollar vínculos clientelares en época de elecciones (Gardner, 1991;Remmer, 2007;Szwarcberg, 2015). Por ello, algunos estudios subrayan la importancia del ciclo electoral…”