Nicaragua: análisis de una crisis inesperada

Puig, Salvador Martí i

doi:10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt10

Cited by 8 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…Since Ortega's return to power in 2007, Nicaragua's political regime has gradually drifted toward a neopatrimonial regime (Martí i Puig and Serra 2020). His rule came to resemble the patrimonial-caudillista regime more akin to the Somozas' rule, than to the original Sandinista revolutionary project of the 1980s (Thaler 2017;Martí i Puig 2019). Yet, the regime is formally more democratic and pluralist and, as many other neopatrimonial regimes, maintains some formal rational-legal procedures that are not merely a façade.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nicaragua in 2019: The Surprising Resilience of Authoritarianism in the Aftermath of Regime Crisis

Buben

Kouba

2020

Rev. cienc. polít. (Santiago)

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The April 2018 protests in Nicaragua inaugurated the Latin American protest wave that subsequently spread across the region in 2019. The protests and their governmental suppression ushered Nicaraguan politics into a regime crisis. Yet, despite international pressure, the harsh reality of a serious economic downturn, low and diminishing public support and the continued opposition resistance throughout 2019, the orteguista regime has proven to be remarkably resilient to change. In fact, it has tightened its grip on power and managed to deflect demands for change during negotiations with the opposition which eventually failed. Focusing on the main opposition and regime actors and strategies, the article argues that the neopatrimonial characteristics of the regime explain this surprising resilience.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nicaragua in 2019: The Surprising Resilience of Authoritarianism in the Aftermath of Regime Crisis

Buben

Kouba

2020

Rev. cienc. polít. (Santiago)

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“…Since its return to power in 2006, the Sandinista regime relies on neoliberal economics while drawing on a post-neoliberal, morally conservative, and religious discourse (Duterme 2018). The early alliance with Hugo Chávez's Venezuela gave President Daniel Ortega access to discretionary loans and international markets, which facilitated a pact with the private sector and the possibility of financing social programs to maintain his party's social base (Martí Puig, 2019;Cruz and Arturo, 2020). Additionally, his cooperation with conservative sectors of the Catholic Church enabled him to deploy a populist propaganda that mixes strong personalism with notions of socialism and Christianity.…”

Section: Case Study Contexts: Hungary Nicaragua and Guatemalamentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring the Love Triangle of Authoritarianism, Populism, and COVID-19 Through Political Ecology: Time for a Break-Up?

et al. 2022

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Authoritarian and populist regimes have used the coronavirus pandemic as another excuse to further push back on democracy. Through the lens of boundary-making, we discuss power processes in pandemic politics of three countries whose governments and power constellations rely on authoritarian and/or populist politics (Hungary, Nicaragua, and Guatemala). Our aim is to envision the conceptual and practical possibilities for breaking up the unhealthy love relationship amid pandemic politics, authoritarianism, and populism, and for ultimately dismantling all three. On the basis of secondary data, personal communications, and our lived experiences, we analyze pandemic politics in authoritarian and populist contexts, exploring their ambiguous and co-constitutive effects through three apparent contradictions. First, we discuss control, or the ways in which the framing of the pandemic by authoritarian and populist regimes as an emergency, a quasi-war situation, or an excuse for political opportunism entails an attempt to justify command-and-control policies upon public behavior, intimate daily life, and subject classification. However, these control measures also bring about contestation through self-quarantine calls, accountability-driven demands of epidemiological data, and/or counter-narratives. Second, we engage with the contradiction of knowledge, by pointing out how authoritarian knowledge politics regarding the pandemic are based on over-centralized decision-making processes, manipulation of epidemiological data, and the silencing of unauthorized voices. Simultaneously, these measures are challenged and resisted by counter-knowledge alternatives on pandemic data and the struggles for subaltern forms of knowledge that could make relevant contributions to public health. Third, we discuss the contradiction of subjectivation processes. Authoritarian regimes make extraordinary efforts to draw a line between those bodies and subjects that deserve state protection and those that do not. In this situation, multiple forms of exclusion intersect and are reinforced based on ethnic, political, national, and gender differences. The manipulation of emotions is crucial in these divisions, often creating “worthy” and “unworthy” subjects. This highlights interconnectedness among vulnerabilities and emphasizes how care and solidarity are important elements in defying authoritarian populism. Finally, we conclude by proposing strategies that would allow political ecology to support prospects of emancipation for social justice, desperately needed in a pandemic-prone foreseeable future.

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“…By several accounts, Ortega’s regime prior to the 2018 protests had reached a level of authoritarianism comparable to Somoza’s caudillista or strongman regime. The main difference was Ortega’s limited need to resort to force and repression (Cortés, 2020; Cortés et al, 2020; Jarquin, 2020; Lopez, 2020; Martí i Puig, 2019a , 2019b; Martí i Puig and Serra, 2020; Pineda, 2016; Thaler, 2017). As a result, the virulence of protests starting on 18 April 2018 caught many by surprise.…”

Section: Description Of the Recent Nicaraguan Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Adding to this increasing loss of trust from the private sector, the government had faced students’ protests demanding a rapid response to the fire of the natural reserve of Indio Maíz earlier in April of 2018 and protests in March of that year in front of the National Assembly on what had been perceived as restrictions to freedom of expression in the form of increased control on social media (GIEI, 2018). However, multiple analysts argue that none of these protests were sufficiently systematic nor had the necessary popular support to ignite the massive protests of April 2018 (Cruz et al, 2018; Martí i Puig, 2019b; Mosinger and Thaler, 2018). In fact, the lack of international pressure for institutional change, the implementation of social programmes, and the alliance forged with the private sector and religious groups all had contributed to a certain level of satisfaction among a large segment of citizens prior to the protests (Cabrales, 2020).…”

Section: Description Of the Recent Nicaraguan Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

The Nicaragua Protest Crisis in 2018–2019: Assessing the Logic of Government Responses to Protests

Klein

Cuesta²,

Chagalj

2021

Journal of Politics in Latin America

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Despite constant monitoring, we lack a good explanation for the 2018–2019 protest crisis in Nicaragua. The escalation of protests, repression, duration, and the death toll are surprising. Applying a novel political and economic cost framework, we benchmark Nicaragua’s historical and recent political protests and explain the Ortega administration’s responses, thus providing a rich case (with comparative data for context) that makes sense of this extraordinary period of protest. The empirical analysis buttresses our qualitative case study of protest motivations and tactics and extreme state violence that define four phases of the conflict. The combination of qualitative and quantitative analyses creates one of the first robust studies of protest–response dynamics of this protest crisis. We conclude that these protests are unique with respect to previous protests in the country and the region and that government repression was a logical response in some phases but was inconsistently applied.

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Nicaragua: análisis de una crisis inesperada

Cited by 8 publications

References 1 publication

Nicaragua in 2019: The Surprising Resilience of Authoritarianism in the Aftermath of Regime Crisis

Nicaragua in 2019: The Surprising Resilience of Authoritarianism in the Aftermath of Regime Crisis

Exploring the Love Triangle of Authoritarianism, Populism, and COVID-19 Through Political Ecology: Time for a Break-Up?

The Nicaragua Protest Crisis in 2018–2019: Assessing the Logic of Government Responses to Protests

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