Opposition Support and the Experience of Violence Explain Colombian Peace Referendum Results

Dávalos, Eleonora; Morales, Leonardo Fabio; Holmes, Jennifer S.; Dávalos, Liliana M.

doi:10.1177/1866802x1801000204

Cited by 18 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…The support that the agreement enjoyed at the international level and among the Colombian intellectual elite was, however, not unanimously shared across the Colombian society. Former president Álvaro Uribe, still a very popular political figure in Colombia, increasingly accused Santos of conceding too much to FARC, crafting a series of simplistic but effective slogans that dismissed the peace agreement as 'peace with impunity' (Dávalos et al 2018). When the Santos government called for a plebiscite on the agreement in October 2016, Uribe and his Centro Democrático (CD, Democratic Centre) party campaigned for a No vote and were eventually successful when 50.2% of voters rejected the agreement.…”

Section: Colombian Stabilisation Under the Administration Of Iván Duque: Peace With Legality?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

Piccolino

Ruette-Orihuela

2021

Third World Quarterly

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Although stabilisation has been widely debated by the recent literature, there has been relatively little discussion about how the governments of countries affected by armed violence have themselves engaged with the concept. This article looks at Colombia where, since the election of president Iván Duque in 2018, the government has increasingly emphasised stabilisation. We argue that stabilisation is for the Duque administration a discursive device that allows them to navigate the contradiction between their critical position towards the peace process and the necessity to fulfil internal and international obligations. We also argue that, in spite of its apparent novelty, the concept of stabilisation has long roots in Colombia, going back to the policies of consolidation developed under the presidencies of Álvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos. The analysis of the antecedents of consolidation raises doubts about the appropriateness of Duque's stabilisation for tackling Colombia's post-conflict challenges. The case of Colombia highlights the risk that stabilisation might displace more transformative approaches to peacebuilding and the continuity between contemporary stabilisation and previous interventions.

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Section: Colombian Stabilisation Under the Administration Of Iván Duque: Peace With Legality?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

Piccolino

Ruette-Orihuela

2021

Third World Quarterly

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“…Before testing our hypothesis, it was important to have a sense of the extent to which citizens supported various components of the peace agreement with the FARC. An analysis of the approval of a peace agreement with the FARC seems to suggest that there is a great divide across partisan lines, geographical regions, and war-time experiences (Dávalos et al, 2018; Tellez, 2019). However, attitudes towards peace are more nuanced, as revealed by the 2017 survey conducted by Observatorio de la Democracia.…”

Section: Attitudes Towards Peace Agreements In Conflict-affected Regionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Between Conflict and Politics: Understanding Popular Support for the FARC’s Political Involvement

Sánchez

Plata-Caviedes

2020

Journal of Politics in Latin America

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Political participation of former combatants is a central component of peace agreements. Similarly, people’s acceptance of political parties derived from such agreements is a crucial element towards peace building. Considering the peace deal between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC), we ask “What factors shape popular support for the FARC’s political involvement?” We argue that attitudes towards the political integration of the former guerrilla are influenced by conflict experiences and partisan identities. Relying on survey data, our results indicate that conflict experiences and political identities alone are not correlated with attitudes towards the political integration of former insurgents. However, public support for former combatants having a political party is associated with conflict experiences only for those who feel close to parties that took a hawkish stance towards the agreement.

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“…Recent research on Colombia has, however, largely converged on the factors of exposure to conflict and political affiliation to explain public support for brokered peace and the candidates who champion it (Branton et al, 2019;Dávalos et al, 2018, Gallego, 2018Hazlett and Parente, 2020;Liendo and Braithwaite, 2018;García-Sánchez, 2017, Matanock andGarbiras-Díaz, 2018;Pechenkina and Gamboa, 2019;Tellez, 2019). Far less attention has been paid to mass attitudes towards specific TJ and DDR provisions or, especially, the political integration of ex-combatants.…”

Section: Rebel Political Integration and Support For Brokered Peacementioning

confidence: 99%

Pitfall to Peace: FARC’s Political Participation and Mass Support for Peace Talks in Colombia

Carlin

Love

McCoy

et al. 2020

Journal of Politics in Latin America

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Transforming armed groups into legitimate political actors is often considered an ideal way to settle armed internal conflicts. In democracies, the efficacy of such approaches depends on the public legitimacy that the citizenry grants them. How does the prospect of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia’s (FARC’s) political participation influence citizens’ support for the peace process? This study addresses this question by triangulating evidence from three separate studies: (1) regression analysis using face-to-face nationally representative survey data, as well as (2) a vignette experiment and (3) a conjoint analysis, both conducted online with national samples of Colombians. Though methodologically distinct, each analysis converges on a singular conclusion: mass support for the integration of ex-FARC guerrillas into democratic politics damaged support for negotiated peace, often to similar or greater degrees than mass support for transitional justice mechanisms. We suspect this reflects citizens’ fear of undermining democratic representation, the legitimacy of democratic institutions, and electoral integrity.

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Opposition Support and the Experience of Violence Explain Colombian Peace Referendum Results

Cited by 18 publications

References 29 publications

The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election

Between Conflict and Politics: Understanding Popular Support for the FARC’s Political Involvement

Pitfall to Peace: FARC’s Political Participation and Mass Support for Peace Talks in Colombia

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