2015
DOI: 10.1177/2332649215613531
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Part-Latinos and Racial Reporting in the Census

Abstract: In this study, the author examines the racial reporting decisions of the offspring of Latino/non-Latino white, black, and Asian intermarriages, focusing on the meanings associated with their racial responses in the 2010 census and their thoughts on the separate race and Hispanic origin question format. through interviews with 50 part-Latinos from new York, the findings demonstrated that their racial responses were shaped largely by question design, often due to the lack of Hispanic origins in the race question… Show more

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Cited by 16 publications
(13 citation statements)
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“…Note that the rows/columns with detailed race/ethnicity show 16 of the 8064 cells depicted in Figure 2. Hispanic race responses have most often been white or SOR; for more about race responses of people reporting Hispanic origins, see Golash-Boza and Darity (2008), Logan (2003), Miyawaki (2016), and Tafoya (2004).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Note that the rows/columns with detailed race/ethnicity show 16 of the 8064 cells depicted in Figure 2. Hispanic race responses have most often been white or SOR; for more about race responses of people reporting Hispanic origins, see Golash-Boza and Darity (2008), Logan (2003), Miyawaki (2016), and Tafoya (2004).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For example, 2 to 3 percent of people who reported white, black, or Asian in Census 2000 gave a different response in the Census Quality Survey (CQS; Bentley et al 2003:28). Although these groups have high levels of response stability, some people who report these groups have mixed racial heritage (Bratter 2007; Liebler 2016) or mixed Hispanic and non-Hispanic heritage (Emeka and Agius Vallejo 2011; Miyawaki 2016). Because these are large groups, even if a small proportion of people changed responses, the number of changes would be substantial.…”
Section: Prior Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In sum, the work done by these researchers highlights some shortcomings of the current framing of race and ethnicity as two separate questions on the census. Significant heterogeneity exists within the Hispanic population, and varying emphases on and understandings of race, ethnicity, and nationality can lead to confusion with the two-part ethnicity-race question (see Campbell and Rogalin 2006; Dowling 2014; Golash-Boza and Darity 2008; Hitlin et al 2007; Miyawaki 2016; Terry and Fond 2013). Yet, López (2013) maintains that two separate questions on race and ethnicity remain necessary because combining them into one question would ignore race and ethnicity as two distinct axes of oppression and therefore obfuscate efforts to track inequality (see also statements associated with the University of New Mexico, Institute for “Race” and Social Justice).…”
Section: Major Changes In the 2020 Census? Hispanics Middle Easternementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Lee and Bean found multiracials of White/Asian American or White/Latina/o backgrounds have greater flexibility institutionally or through social interaction to identify as Asian American or Latina/o, respectively, as well as White or multiracial. Lee and Bean (2010), Hoskins (2011), and Miyawaki (2016), indicated that among many White/Asian American individuals there is nevertheless a trend heavily tilted in the direction of Whiteness in terms of marriage partners and progeny (Pew, 2015). Jiménez's (2004) research also illustrated Latina/o/White multiracials and their offspring display considerable flexibility and variation with their identities, including the option to identify as Latina/o, multiracial, and White.…”
Section: The Power-conflict and Order-functional Paradigmsmentioning
confidence: 99%