Political linkages between CSOs and parliament in Indonesia: a case study of political linkages in drafting the Aceh Governance Law

Lay, Cornelis

doi:10.1080/02185377.2017.1297243

Cited by 8 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…The plan to rebuild the 16 kampung has been included in the 2018 Jakarta local budget (APBD), and several of the target kampung are base areas of UPC that lent their support to the political contract. In short, in 6 It is not unique for civil society organisations to become policy brokers in this way: Lay (2015Lay ( , 2017 has explored policy lobbying in the national parliament on a bill on Aceh Government.…”

Section: After the Victory: From Adversarial To Cooperative Linkage?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Adversarial Linkages: The Urban Poor and Electoral Politics in Jakarta

Savirani

Aspinall

2017

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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This article examines how social movements based in poor communities make electoral alliances with politicians in contemporary Indonesia. Drawing on case studies of the urban poor in two elections in Jakarta, we point to a pattern of adversarial linkages by which movements present candidates with demands – in this case about housing and livelihood security – which are then distilled in formal ‘political contracts’. Unlike institutionalised relationships between parties and social constituencies in many democracies, these linkages are ad hoc, pragmatic and characterised by mistrust. In Jakarta, they involved disaggregation rather than aggregation of interests, with movement actors in the second election in 2017 seeking concrete gains relating to land and livelihoods in particular neighbourhoods, rather than a broad programme of urban reform, as had been their goal in 2012. We suggest that such adversarial linkages are a feature of contemporary Indonesian politics. They allow marginal groups to make contingent political gains but are compatible with prevailing clientelistic patterns, which limit their potential to promote systemic change.

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Section: After the Victory: From Adversarial To Cooperative Linkage?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is not unique for civil society organisations to become policy brokers in this way: Lay (2015Lay ( , 2017 has explored policy lobbying in the national parliament on a bill on Aceh Government.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Adversarial Linkages: The Urban Poor and Electoral Politics in Jakarta

Savirani

Aspinall

2017

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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“…In examining the activities of a social movement, often the center of attention is the uncommon attitudes and interests of the conflicting actors. This is clear in the research of Cornelis Lay (Lay, 2017), Ko Nomura (Nomura, 2007), and Rémi Schweizer, Johann Dupuis & Guillaume de Buren (Schweizer et al, 2016). However, this research found that there is a need to broaden views on internal dynamics of cohesiveness by opponents of government policy, in this problem, NGOs and affected communities.…”

Section: • Factors Influencing the Cohesiveness Of Ngos And The Communitymentioning

confidence: 83%

“…This resistance then led to the temporary suspension of the company's activities in March 1999. Some recent research related to NGOs and the Environmental Social Movement in Indonesia (Lay, 2017;Nomura, 2007Nomura, , 2009Schweizer et al, 2016;Baharuddin et al, , 2016Varelly et al, 2019;Prayogi et al, 2020;Syarifuddin, et al, 2020) have provided an overview of related to NGO relations with the government but are still minimal research that looks specifically at the relations of NGOs and the communities they advocate. This research places the environmental and economic impacts on society as the cause of resistance from the Coalition of NGOs and the Community.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cohesiveness of NGOs and the community in the anti-coastal reclamation social movement

Baharuddin

Lubis

Mustafa

et al. 2021

ETNOSIA

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This research is an elaboration of the response of the coalition of NGOs and affected communities in rejecting the sand mining in Takalar Regency, South Sulawesi. This study aims to analyze the motives and methods of advocacy carried out by NGOs and affected communities. This study also tries to examine the factors that influence cohesiveness between those who are resistant to this extractive industry. This research uses a qualitative approach. We got data in this study through interviews, observations, and document reviews. This study found that the primary motive of the Save Coastal Alliance Against the Sea Sand Mine in Takalar expresses resistance from NGOs and affected communities on the economic and environmental effects of the extractive industry of sand mining. The advocacy method adopted includes four step strategies. The first is conducting political education for citizens; Second, build alliances with other NGOs and; Third is conducting a lawsuit and; Fourth, through non-litigation. The study also found that cohesiveness between NGOs and affected communities was the dynamics of each group internally. This has contributed to building the context of relations between NGOs and the community.

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“…In Indonesia, some scholars have explored the dynamics of civil society-state relations. Lay (2017aLay ( , 2017b has mapped CSOs political linkages within the policymaking process; Aspinall (2014) has examined their relations within the context of political transformation; and Mundayat, Narendra, and Irawanto (2009) have found that their relations depend heavily on the strength of civil society and the effectiveness of governance. In general, Philip Eldridge emphasises that relations between CSOs and the government in Indonesia are generally pragmatic, characterised by both co-operation and conflict (Eldridge, 1996, p. 30).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Boundary Crossers: The Transformation of Civil Society Elites in Indonesia’s Post-Authoritarian Era

Haryanto

2020

PaG

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This article discusses the strategies used by the leaders of civil society organisations (CSOs) to cross the boundary between the field of civil society and the field of the state. Moreover, it examines the implications of this boundary crossing for post-authoritarian politics in Indonesia. In doing so, it tries to answer two questions: First, what are the strategies used by CSO leaders in boundary crossing? Second, what are the political implications of this boundary crossing for Indonesia’s post-authoritarian politics? Using Bourdieu’s field theory as its conceptual framework and drawing on qualitative interviews with CSO leaders, this article scrutinises the mobility of CSO leaders in different sectors: agrarian, anti-corruption, law, and human rights. It identifies two main strategies used in boundary crossing: direct and indirect strategies. Such strategies tend to be individual rather than organisational. Neither strategy is exclusive; CSO leaders do not limit themselves to particular strategies but may combine them and use them simultaneously. Another finding is that, when crossing to the state field, CSO leaders may increase or reduce their capital, or even lose it. Furthermore, boundary crossing has several significant implications for post-authoritarian politics in Indonesia: it generates sectoral policies; it creates political linkages; and finally, it leads CSO leaders to exert political control within the state field.

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Political linkages between CSOs and parliament in Indonesia: a case study of political linkages in drafting the Aceh Governance Law

Cited by 8 publications

References 12 publications

Adversarial Linkages: The Urban Poor and Electoral Politics in Jakarta

Adversarial Linkages: The Urban Poor and Electoral Politics in Jakarta

Cohesiveness of NGOs and the community in the anti-coastal reclamation social movement

Boundary Crossers: The Transformation of Civil Society Elites in Indonesia’s Post-Authoritarian Era

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