Abstract:Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in… Show more
“…Utilising from a large dataset of voters' surveys in 73 out of 77 electoral districts across Indonesia, I find that the use of mass media in supporting individual campaigns was apparent, but the scale was much less than many observers have expected (i.e. Ufen, 2006), as I will demonstrate in the following pages.…”
Section: Relatively More Efficient Strategymentioning
“…Utilising from a large dataset of voters' surveys in 73 out of 77 electoral districts across Indonesia, I find that the use of mass media in supporting individual campaigns was apparent, but the scale was much less than many observers have expected (i.e. Ufen, 2006), as I will demonstrate in the following pages.…”
Section: Relatively More Efficient Strategymentioning
“…Dalam konfigurasi partai politik, meskipun di tingkat elite mereka terdorong untuk bertindak pragmatis, tetapi di kesempatan lain partai-partai seringkali memanfaatkan isuisu dan identitas agama untuk menarik simpati. Partai-partai Islam akan terus berupaya untuk menyimbolkan diri, walau tidak membatasi diri, sebagai representasi kalangan santri dan orientasi kebijakan yang pro terhadap syariat atau pro mendudukkan Islam dalam politik (Pepinsky, Liddle, & Mujani, 2012 (Ufen, 2006). Pada era reformasi, Megawati Sukarnoputeri mendirikan PDI Perjuangan (PDIP) yang menolak tunduk kepada Suharto.…”
Section: Hasil Dan Pembahasan Pembelahan Ideologi Dalam Transisi Reziunclassified
ABSTRAKArtikel ini berupaya menjelaskan bagaimana keterlibatan sentimen agama dalam ranah politik praktis dapat menciptakan persepsi ancaman keamanan di Indonesia pasca 2014. Beberapa pertanyaan yang akan coba dijawab antara lain mengapa pergesekan politik yang didorong oleh isu agama menjadi krusial pasca 2014? dan bagaimana persinggungan sentimen agama dan persaingan pemilu turut membentuk persepsi ancaman keamanan nasional? Penjelasan tulisan ini dibangun berdasarkan studi kepustakaan dan analisis berita seputar aksi protes di Jakarta sepanjang 2016-2017 dan dampaknya terhadap kemunculan isu-isu politik terkait RRT. Hasil studi ini menunjukkan bahwa isu politik dan agama pada 2016-2017 menjadi krusial akibat kulminasi dari pergulatan ideologi politik yang memanfaatkan pembelahan basis sosial berdasarkan ideologi. Peralihan poros kekuasaan pasca pemilu 2014 yang menempatkan kalangan nasionalis sekular di puncak kekuasaan membangkitkan kembali sentimen politik berdasarkan isu-isu agama. Menguatnya kekhawatiran tentang bangkitnya komunisme dan kedigdayaan Republik Rakyat Tionghoa (RRT) di Indonesia merupakan indikasi kuat bahwa pergolakan politik memantik kesadaran kolektif yang telah lama terkubur. Meskipun analisis politik aliran telah dianggap tidak relevan akibat menguatnya unsur kepentingan dalam pemilu, tetapi peristiwa friksi politik pasca 2014 menjadi indikasi bahwa politik aliran, dalam batas tertentu, masih berlaku di Indonesia.
“…In the context of the party system, one of the most fundamental policies by Suharto was the political party fusion in 1973. Through this policy, Suharto made restricted opportunity for political parties exist thru classify them in only two political parties and one faction to participate in elections (Ufen 2006). It was only the United Development Party (PPP), Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), and the Functional Group (Golkar).…”
Section: Politics Of Locality In Indonesia After the New Order Eramentioning
This paper aims to showed the inclination that occur in democratic process associated with the presence democratization in the "Era Reformasi". This era begin as soon as the end of Suharto regime in 1998 that considered to brought Indonesia into democratic period which also occur in the local level. One thing that considered as effort to achieve democracy is the implementation of Decentralization via the Regional Autonomy that was regulated thru some regulations, where today the new law is the Law No. 23 year 2014. That Laws gives more opportunity to the local people to manage their area based on their objectives context. It makes some local issues including local identity became important aspect in the regional social political dynamics including in the regional election. Through the directly electoral system where people vote became the most important factor of the results, some local context then becomes prominent aspects in the process. When a region occupy by non-moslem or the Christian as like as the Toraja lands consequently issues related to the Christianity becomes important thing during the election. That condition than becomes problematic for the non-mosleem people that also have rights to vote or to be voted based on the democracy values and the laws with the fact that they are the minority in that regions. Pictures from the Toraja regional election then showed tendency on how the moslem people positioned theirselves as minority in the political dynamics of the Christian majority land and what its implication to the social politics construction in this regions. Finally fact from toraja's land will show whether a unique condition as the contextual experience of the mosleem community as minority in particular region while in fact they are the majority in the nation.
The Moslem as Minority Community in Democracy Process…JICSA Volume
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.