Politics, Political Parties and the Party System in Nigeria: Who's Interest?

Abstract

Party system and the administration of political parties are critical factors in determining the direction of politics and democracy. Three political parties contested at the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic in 1999, but the number increased to more than 91 as at 2019. This paper raises fundamental questions as to whose interest – public or private interest of promoters and financiers - these parties serve, and whether the increase in the number of political parties has significantly entrenched democratic values in the country? These questions are compelling because of several events in political party operations in the 20 years of the Fourth Republic. These include controversial and vexatious party primaries preceding every major election, often leading to protracted and distractive litigations and rampant political defections. Unregulated use of money has, in particular, restrained ample participation by women and youths, while violence is almost becoming a norm and permanent characteristic of the electoral and political system. The paper draws data from secondary documentary sources for its conceptual and theoretical contents. Primary data are generated from events analyses by the authors as observers at party conventions and other meetings for the selection of candidates for political offices as well as during general elections. This is complimented by content analyses of relevant documents including electoral laws, court and law reports, and reports by special committees such as the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC). A combination of the ecological approach and conspiratorial theory is deployed for the paper’s analytic frame.

Youth Political Participation and Party Politics during the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria

“…Democratic governance requires functional institutions in order for government policies to translate into the type of infrastructural development and sustainable economic growth required for the welfare and self-actualization of most people. The relationships amongst entities such as the legislature, the various branches of the executive, and political parties that frequently suggest candidates for elected legislative and executive positions cannot be overstated (Yagboyaju et al 2020).…”

“…Strong political parties or successful institutions, however, seldom ever emerge without a clear plan. The resurgence of modern institutionalism as a way of understanding human society and the role of strong personalities has been promoted by James Robinson and Daron Acemoglu, authors of the 2012 best-seller "Why Nations Fail" (as cited in Yagboyaju et al 2020). Interestingly, the president and governors-who are sometimes viewed as the de facto state and national party leaders-are frequently involved in intra-party disputes.…”

Intra-Party Conflicts and Party Stability in Nigeria: A Study of the Alliance for Democracy (AD)

“…Party nominations in Nigeria's First Republic were conducted with much bitterness majorly because elective political positions were considered passports to a new life of affluence and influence (Ekundayo, 2016;Chidi, 2015;Ogbeidi, 2010;Yagboyaju & Simbine, 2020). There was also the tendency of aspirants who failed to get the nominations of their parties to stand as independents, which means those unsupported by any political party, and this had dire consequences for the parties they detached from.…”

Political hibernation in‐between elections? Exploring the online communication and mobilisation capacities of Nigeria's political parties

“…With respect to these indicators, Nigerian parties as rated as having low degree of institutionalisation (Akubo & Yakubu, 2014;Liebowitz & Ibrahim, 2013). Following Richard Joseph's use of the term 'prebendalism' to describe the Nigerian party system (Joseph, 1987), most of the parties have been studied from an ethnoclientelist perspective with conclusions that show them as poorly organised and under-resourced, lacking in internal cohesion and ideology and operating largely as power opportunists (Ashindorbe & Nathaniel, 2019;Yagboyaju & Simbine, 2020). Although the party system operates a regime of liberalisation allowing registration of multiple parties, only two parties-All Progressives Congress (APC) and People's Democratic Party (PDP)-dominate the polity (Fagbadebo et al, 2017;Ibrahim & Idayat, 2013).…”

“…Both ruling and opposition parties perform these non‐electoral functions, albeit from different dimensions. While parties in power have a duty to align their policy actions with the realities of the manifestoes upon which they rode to power, parties in opposition are expected to galvanise the public towards scrutinising the policy actions and offering alternatives (Yagboyaju & Simbine, 2020). In both cases, these gravitate towards communication and mobilisation, aimed at providing ‘platforms that [allow the public to] discuss policy issues as well as to generate and evaluate proposals’ (Gerl et al, 2018, p. 87).…”