Populism and the Rise of the Reform Party in Alberta*

Abstract

L'augmentation rapide du soutien populaire accordé au Reform Party of Canada est abordée du point de vue de deux théories déjà anciennes de mobilisation populiste‐la première axée sur la position de classe et la seconde privilégiant le nativisme. Les données issues d'une enquête effectuêe dans toute la province en 1991 révèlent que les agriculteurs, un segment particulier de la petite bourgeoisie, ont tendance plus que tout autre groupe à accorder leur vote au Reform Party au cours d'une élection fédérate. Les Albertains qui se décrivent comme «Canadiens» plutôt qu'appartenant à un groupe ethnique ou racial particulier et, à un degré moindre, les répondants d'origine anglo‐saxonne ou celtique, semblent un peu plus enclins à soutenir le Reform Party. De plus, les Albertains qui ont de fortes convictions sur certains dossiers sociaux et politiques (multicultu‐ralisme, égalité des sexes, statut distinct du Québec, indulgence envers les criminels) sont également attirés par le Reform Party, ainsi que les personnes qui se sentent généralement aliénées sur le plan politique. The early rise in popular support for the Reform Party of Canada is discussed from the vantage point of two long‐standing theories of populist mobilization, the first focussing on class position and the second emphasizing nativism. Data from a province‐wide survey of Alberta residents conducted in 1991 reveal that farmers, a particular segment of the petite bourgeoisie, were more likely than any other class group to state that they would vote Reform in a federal election. Albertans who identified themselves as Canadians rather than identifying with a particular ethnic or racial group, and to a lesser extent those of Anglo‐Saxon/Celtic origin, were somewhat more likely to support the Reform Party. In addition, Albertans with strong feelings on a number of specific social and political issues (multiculturalism, gender equality, distinct status for Quebec, lenient treatment of criminals) were also attracted to the Reform Party, as were those who felt generally politically alienated.

Special Interests and/or New Right Economics? The Ideological Bases of Reform Party Support in Alberta in the 1993 Federal Election*

“…Research also suggests that Reform's "message" tends to appeal to older, well-educated males (Harrison, 1995). In addition, there is evidence that early Reform support in Alberta came disproportionately from farmers and from individuals with Anglo-SaxodCeltic origins, a finding congruent with the notion that Reform may have some nativist underpinnings (Harrison and Krahn, 1995).…”

“…Explanations for Reform's rise typically have been middle-range in their approach, focussing on factors internal to Canadian party development, such as regional alienation, nativism, or petitebourgeois class supprt (Mcconnick, 1991;Henry, 1994;Harrison and Krahn, 1995). Denis (1994) has contended that the rise of both Reform and the Bloc stems h m the collapse of Canada's traditional party system, specifically the failure ofthe New Democratic Party to establish itself as a credible federal alternative.…”

Five Decades of Class Analysis in the Canadian Review of Sociology

“…Over the next decade, a number of articles published by the Review deployed Marxian class typologies in quantitative investigations of the determinants of economic and political beliefs (Baer, Grabb, and Johnston , ; Pratt ) or voting (Harrison and Krahn ; Nakhaie and Arnold ). A 1998 article even applied a Marxian class schema in a study of intergenerational educational attainment.…”

What Do Public Sociologists Do? A Critique of Burawoy

“…Beyond activism addressing women's social and political issues (Staggenborg and Lang;Kruzynski 2004;Narushima 2004;Mensah 2000;Gunew 1998;Michaud 1997;Fiske 1996), recent scholarly efforts in Canada focus heavily on progressive mobilization for Aboriginal rights (Wilkes and Ricard 2007;Ramos 2006;Long 1997), queer issues (Fetner and Kush 2008;Smith 1999;Sears 2005;Meyer-Cook and Labelle 2004;Rudy 2001), the environment (Haluza-Delay 2008;Mallory 2006;McCarthy 2006;Harter 2004), and against corporate globalization (Day 2005;Chodkiewicz 2003;McNally 2002). But see Harrison (2008); Harrison et al (1996); and Harrison and Krahn (1995) for notable exceptions to a strict research emphasis on left protest. 22.…”