‘Predestined to save the earth’: The environment committee of the European parliament

Judge, David

doi:10.1080/09644019208414051

Cited by 53 publications

(44 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…They showed that members of the EP (MEPs) behaved as 'normal' parliamentarians, forming stable but issue-specific coalitions and voting along ideological lines to advance ideological positions rather than territorial interests (Hix et al 2007). They also substantiated the thesis of an EP promoting distinctively 'popular' policy agendas independently of intergovernmental politics (Judge 1992;Weale et al 2000;Burns 2005). …”

Section: The Puzzle Of the Ep As A 'Normal' Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The European Parliament as a developing legislature: coming of age in trilogues?

Roederer-Rynning

Greenwood

2016

Journal of European Public Policy

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Section: The Puzzle Of the Ep As A 'Normal' Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The European Parliament as a developing legislature: coming of age in trilogues?

Roederer-Rynning

Greenwood

2016

Journal of European Public Policy

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“…The EP was portrayed as 'an environmental champion' (Burns, 2005), 'a defender of environmental interests' (Weale et al, 2000) that is 'predestined to save the earth' (Judge, 1992). Indeed, researchers often conclude that 'environmental NGOs have a natural ally in the shape of the EP, whose members are quick to take up concerns popular with their electorate' (Greenwood, 2011, p. 158).…”

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confidence: 97%

Is the European Parliament still a policy champion for environmental interests?

Rasmussen

2012

Int Groups Adv

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Executive Summary A wide range of interest groups target the European Parliament (EP) and MEPs have a reputation for being particularly open to diffuse interests, who, due to their limited resources, use 'friendly' MEPs to put pressure on the European Commission and the Council. The notion of the EP representing diffuse as opposed to concentrated interests, conflicts with the broader political science literature on interest groups that dwells on business bias. The general expectation in the literature is for concentrated groups (such as the automobile industry) to prevail over diffuse interests (such as environmental interests). This article considers whether this is a case of conventional wisdom confirmed -or a sectoral exceptionalism. In fact, there are good reasons to doubt the EP's reputation as a policy champion for diffuse interests. Much of our current knowledge about the EP's interest group politics stems from a time when the EP's legislative powers were more limited. Within a relatively short time span the EP has evolved from a token 'multi-lingual talking shop' to, what some researchers have named, one of the most powerful elected legislatures in the world. Arguably, as the powers of the EP have increased, so has attention from interest groups. Few interest groups now dare leave the parliamentary arena to their opponents, and most interest groups adopt a belt-and-braces approach in which 'the institutional trio' (the European Commission, Council and the EP) is lobbied throughout the policy process. The increased powers raises the question of whether the EP still privileges diffuse interests or simply reinforces the advantages of concentrated interests. This question is addressed in this article by examining one recent regulation: Regulation 2011/510/EC on the reduction of CO 2 emissions from light commercial vehicles. Based on processtracing of EU documents and lobbying letters, and interviews with MEPs, EP officials and interest groups, this article shows that the EP is no longer an environmental champion, but instead appears to be more of an environmental pragmatist. Three factors contribute to this change: asymmetric lobbying from industry, a change in the EP's negotiating strategy and increased cooperation between the EP committees. These changes have reduced the privileged position once held by diffuse interests, and provided concentrated interests with r

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“…for instance Judge 1992;Arp 1992), it may be seen as a partner, especially by the 'green' member states. Some of our interviewees, however, pointed to a certain unpredictability in the EP's stances.…”

Section: The European Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Strategies of the 'green' member states in EU environmental policy-making

Liefferink¹,

Andersen²

1998

Journal of European Public Policy

163

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This article investigates the strategies of the 'leaders' in EU environmental policy-making. A typology of strategies of influencing EU environmental policy is introduced, distinguishing between different kinds of 'pushers' and 'forerunners'. With the help of this typology, the positions and strategies of the 'green' member states after the accession of Sweden, Finland and Austria are analysed. It is concluded, among other things, that differences in strategies of articulating environmentally progressive positions in the EU may seriously thwart effective alliance-building between the 'leaders'. Denmark is identified as the most activist 'green' member state. In Sweden and Austria, pragmatism now prevails. The Netherlands and Finland have the most constructive approach. Germany has largely abandoned its activism of the 1980s in favour of more defensive tendencies. Because of its political and economic impact, the role of Germany is crucial among the 'green' member states.

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‘Predestined to save the earth’: The environment committee of the European parliament

Cited by 53 publications

References 9 publications

The European Parliament as a developing legislature: coming of age in trilogues?

The European Parliament as a developing legislature: coming of age in trilogues?

Is the European Parliament still a policy champion for environmental interests?

Strategies of the 'green' member states in EU environmental policy-making

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