The Great Depression in Germany led to the radicalization of the electorate, leading the country and then the world into the darkest days of Western Civilization. Could it have been otherwise? This paper explores whether the NSDAP takeover might have been averted with a fiscal policy that lowered the unemployment rate in those parts of Germany where their support rose most rapidly. A counterfactual simulation model based on estimates of the relationship between unemployment and the radical vote at the electoral district level provides a framework for considering how much lower unemployment would have to have been in those districts to prevent the NSDAP from becoming a formidable political force in Germany. Budget neutrality is maintained, so that the simulations do not depend on an expanded fiscal policy. The results indicate that such a policy could well have averted the NSDAP's seizure of power, and the catastrophe that followed in its wake.
"The only thing we owe history is to rewrite it." -Oscar WildeThat the Great Depression in Germany led to the radicalization of the electorate is not controversial. With the unprecedented increase in unemployment, the support for the extreme right-wing NSDAP (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) increased dramatically, leading Germany and then the world directly into the darkest days of Western Civilization (Stögbauer 2001b). Could it have been otherwise? We explore whether the NSDAP takeover could have been averted with a fiscal policy that lowered the unemployment rate in those parts of Germany where their support increased most rapidly. A counterfactual simulation model based on estimates of the relationship between unemployment and the radical vote at the electoral district level provides a framework for considering how much lower unemployment would have to have been in these districts to prevent the NSDAP from becoming a formidable political force in
Germany.2 Budget neutrality is strictly maintained, so that the simulations do not depend on an expanded fiscal policy. Instead, expenditures, and thereby also unemployment, are reshuffled among electoral districts in a way that increases government expenditures in regions where the propensity to vote for the NSDAP was highest and reduces them in those areas where they were lowest. Thus, the model redistributes unemployment spatially, without further burdening the already over-stretched Weimar budget.The results indicate that such a policy could well have averted the NSDAP takeover, and the catastrophe that followed inextricably in its wake, without an increase in government expenditures. Financial considerations alone did not impose a binding constraint on decisive government action in defense of the Republic. However, this counterfactual analysis does notimply --and this should be made clear at the very outset --that the government was actually capable of mustering the will to bring such an economic program into effect. In that sense, the policy considered below may well not have been feasible. The ...