Red Europe versus no Europe? The impact of attitudes towards the EU and the economic crisis on radical-left voting

Beaudonnet, Laurie; Gómez, Raúl Sánchez

doi:10.1080/01402382.2016.1222806

Cited by 33 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…Counter-European frames suggest how the European political process should be and work in order to be a 'truly legitimate' reflection of an imagined European community. Previous conceptualizations of such claims predominantly focus on their alter-European variant which contests the current European polity while supporting further supranational integration (de Wilde and Trenz, 2012) and concern mainly Eurosceptic actors substantively distinct from the sovereigntist and nativist RR (Beaudonnet and Gomez, 2016). Counter-Europeanism is concurrently broader and may even include persuasive declarations to more fundamentally fulfil current EU treaty regulations.…”

Section: Counter-european Strategies and Radical Right Mainstreamingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hijacking Europe: Counter‐European Strategies and Radical Right Mainstreaming during the Humanitarian Crisis Debate 2015–16*

Pytlas

2020

J of Common Market Studies

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Radical right European contestation is analyzed mainly as claims denouncing European integration. Less focus is put on narratives suggesting how a supposed 'truly European' political process should be and work. This paper explores how radical right actors use such counter-European claims within their competition strategies. Computer-assisted qualitative analysis of communication by Front National, Alternative for Germany and Fidesz during the humanitarian crisis debate 2015-16 demonstrates that radical right counter-Europeanism constitutes a nuanced tactical resource deployed to normalize nativist supply in the name of Europe. Unlike Eurorejectionist FN, Fidesz and AfD redefined Europe in nativist terms, attempting to draw legitimacy from association with European identity and cooperation. Concurrently, both actors justified Euronativism not only as antithetical to current EU values and political principles, but mainly as their more fundamental practice juxtaposed against 'not (truly) European elites', effectively 'hijacking' Europe from within. The findings deepen our understanding of radical right Europe-contesting competition strategies.

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Section: Counter-european Strategies and Radical Right Mainstreamingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hijacking Europe: Counter‐European Strategies and Radical Right Mainstreaming during the Humanitarian Crisis Debate 2015–16*

Pytlas

2020

J of Common Market Studies

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“…Recent research shows that, in general, attitudes towards the EU are multi-dimensional as they pertain to different aspects of the EU process (Beaudonnet and Di Mauro, 2012; Sanders et al ., 2012a). Some authors took a clear Eastonian perspective (Easton, 1965, 1975) and incorporated several dimensions in their definition of support for the EU.…”

Section: The Multifarious Nature Of Citizens’ Attitudes Towards the Eumentioning

confidence: 99%

Show the money first! Recent public attitudes towards the EU in Italy

Conti¹,

Memoli

2015

Riv. ital. sci. polit

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In the recent past, attitudes towards the EU have become problematic in many member states. Even those countries that traditionally were more optimistic have actually experienced important declines in their popular backing of the European integration process. We examine the public attitudes towards the EU that have recently emerged in Italy, a country where support for EU membership has declined substantially. Making use of recent data and novel research techniques, the article sheds light on the explanatory power of different theoretical perspectives to explain these attitudes. Utilitarianism has emerged as the key explanatory factor, whereas other theories appear much less relevant in the Italian context.

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“…Similarly, Beaudonnet and Gomez (2017) show that the opposition towards EU membership leads to increasing support of radical parties on the right, while supporters of extreme left parties are not hostile of the European idea in general, but are critical about the economic situation in Europe. These findings are strengthened by Van Elsas et al (2016) who clearly show that left-wing and right-wing Euroscepticism originates in different motivations:…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Responding to the crisis: Eurosceptic parties of the left and right and their changing position towards the European Union

Braun

Popa

Schmitz

2019

European J Political Res

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At the time of the election of the European Parliament (EP) in 2014, the European Union (EU) was heavily affected by a multifaceted crisis that had – and still has – far‐reaching implications for the political system of its member countries, but also for the European level of governance. Against the background of the strong Eurosceptic vote in the 2014 EP elections, this study aims to investigate in which way Eurosceptic parties of the left and the right respond to the multiple crises of the EU. Using data from the Euromanifesto Project from 2004/2009 and 2014, changes in the party positions towards the EU are analysed in the shadow of the multiple crises and the reasons thereof are explored. The findings show a general anti‐European shift among the two types of Eurosceptic parties. Nevertheless, the changes in the EU polity tone are not determined by issue‐based repercussions of the multiple crises, but by the EU‐related evaluation – the polity mood – of the national citizenry. For far‐right Eurosceptic parties, the shift is moderated by the level of public support for EU integration in their national environment. Among far‐left Eurosceptic parties, by contrast, it is moderated by the more specific public attitudes about the monetary union policy of the EU. Consequently, political parties when drafting their manifestos for EP elections are not so much guided by the objective severity of political problems or by the evaluations of these problems by the citizenry. What matters in the end is the link that citizens themselves are able to establish between the severity of political problems, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the EU for these problems on the other. This has important consequences for understanding of the nature and substance of political responsiveness within the EU system of multilevel governance.

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Red Europe versus no Europe? The impact of attitudes towards the EU and the economic crisis on radical-left voting

Cited by 33 publications

References 29 publications

Hijacking Europe: Counter‐European Strategies and Radical Right Mainstreaming during the Humanitarian Crisis Debate 2015–16*

Hijacking Europe: Counter‐European Strategies and Radical Right Mainstreaming during the Humanitarian Crisis Debate 2015–16*

Show the money first! Recent public attitudes towards the EU in Italy

Responding to the crisis: Eurosceptic parties of the left and right and their changing position towards the European Union

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