Religious Institutions, Church–State History and Muslim Mobilisation in Britain, France and Germany

Soper, John C.; Fetzer, Joel S.

doi:10.1080/13691830701432780

Cited by 54 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Two more caveats are in place as well. These principles and rights are interpreted differently in 'national' traditions and jurisdictions within the EU , Soper & Fetzer 2007, Bowen 2007. In addition, the emergence and transnational diffusion of a multicultural citizenship model and of pluralistic modes of organisational incorporation may not be as strong, uncon-tested and irreversible as Koenig and others assume (Bader 2005: 86ff).…”

Section: Regulation and Financing Of Religious Instruction In Public mentioning

confidence: 99%

Secularism or Democracy? : Associational Governance of Religious Diversity

Bader¹

2007

238

103

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Section: Regulation and Financing Of Religious Instruction In Public mentioning

confidence: 99%

Secularism or Democracy? : Associational Governance of Religious Diversity

Bader¹

2007

238

103

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“…Most discussions of Muslim activism and mobilisation focus on the European context, where even in the most 'secular' of contexts, there are often official and informal arrangements between the state and religious organisations (Salvatore 2004;Soper and Fetzer 2007 (Parker-Jenkins 2002) and the training of imams (Klausen 2005), and on interactions between Muslim leaders and local planning councils relating to mosque construction (Gale 2004;Naylor and Ryan 2002). Some attention has also been given to Muslim participation in electoral politics (Glynn 2008;Kahani-Hopkins and Hopkins 2002).…”

Section: Muslim Identities In the Westmentioning

confidence: 99%

Muslim Political Activism or Political Activism by Muslims? Secular and Religious Identities Amongst Muslim Arab Activists in the United States and United Kingdom

Nagel

Staeheli

2011

Identities

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Scholarship on Muslim political mobilisation in theWest has developed as an important counterpoint to public discourse, which has tended to cast Muslims as a threat to social cohesion, liberal democracy, and national security. But even as scholarly literature has shed light on civic participation among Muslims, it has sidelined the diversity of political identities and values that motivate them. Most, if not all, Muslims in the West find their identities politicised in some way, but the question of whether this leads to a consensus amongst Muslims about the role of religion in public life often remains unexamined. In this article we draw on interviews with seventy-eight activists in Britain and the United States who are both Muslim and Arab to complicate ideas about the political mobilisation of Muslims in the West. Respondents, we show, are far from unified in their views on religion as a basis for political action and mobilisation. Some are keen to place Islam squarely in mainstream political spaces; most, however, are insistent that Islam should remain a private faith and identity and that political mobilisation should take place under the aegis of Arabness or other 'secular' identities. Using theoretical perspectives on the public sphere, we explain the complexity of our respondents' political identities and activism. Our overall aim is to broaden perspectives on the ways in which people from Muslim backgrounds participate in public, political life in Western contexts. NotesWe acknowledge all of our research participants, whose graciousness made this research possible.

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“…In Germany, state recognition is extended to several Christian (especially Catholic) and Jewish religious denominations as public corporations, a formal status that entails privileges, including to receive Church taxes collected by the government, organise religious education (RE) in state schools, and provide social welfare services (Soper and Fetzer 2007). Crucially, the German state has so far not been willing to extend the public corporation status to Islam that it has afforded the Christian and Jewish denominations.…”

Section: State Accommodation Of Muslim Group Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The sizeable literature on cross-national variations emphasises how historical resolutions of church-state conflicts have shaped the accommodation of Islam as a minority religion in Europe (Fetzer and Soper 2005;Statham et al 2005;Koenig 2007;Soper and Fetzer 2007;Laurence 2012). There is considerable agreement on the prominent features that define the church/state separations in our four countries.…”

Section: State Accommodation Of Muslim Group Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

How ordinary people view Muslim group rights in Britain, the Netherlands, France and Germany: significant ‘gaps’ between majorities and Muslims?

Statham

2015

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

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Taking four countries-Britain, the Netherlands, France and Germanywith distinct state approaches and public debates over accommodating Muslims, we study the views of ordinary people from the majority and Muslim populations on Muslim group rights. We compare their responses to questions on mosque-building, teachers wearing religious symbols, and religious classes in schools, to determine whether there is a significant 'gap' between the majority and Muslim minorities. We find highly significant 'gaps' between the majorities and Muslims over Muslim group rights in all countries, with the majorities less supportive. Importantly, it is a shift by the majority population against Muslim group rights that produces this 'gap' as the question moves from provision for Christians to Muslims, while Muslims hold similar views over rights for Christians and their own religion. In Britain and Germany, the two countries where church/state relations privilege Christianity over other religions, majorities especially support Christian over Muslim group rights. The British findings are remarkable, because a country which substantially grants and has the most supportive public debate for Muslim group rights, produces the largest 'gaps' between its majority and Muslims. We think this is due to political context, where in contrast to the Netherlands, there is no outlet for political opposition to Muslim group rights.ARTICLE HISTORY

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Religious Institutions, Church–State History and Muslim Mobilisation in Britain, France and Germany

Cited by 54 publications

References 9 publications

Secularism or Democracy? : Associational Governance of Religious Diversity

Secularism or Democracy? : Associational Governance of Religious Diversity

Muslim Political Activism or Political Activism by Muslims? Secular and Religious Identities Amongst Muslim Arab Activists in the United States and United Kingdom

How ordinary people view Muslim group rights in Britain, the Netherlands, France and Germany: significant ‘gaps’ between majorities and Muslims?

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