Repertorio socio-psicológico del conflicto colombiano en el discurso presidencial de Juan Manuel Santos

Abstract

El presente estudio buscó analizar el discurso del presidente de Colombia Juan Manuel Santos durante su primer mandato (2010-2014) cuando comenzaron los diálogos de paz entre el Gobierno y las FARC-EP. Para ello se emplearon los métodos unidimensional y multidimensional de estadística lexicometrica buscando caracterizar los pronunciamientos a partir de las variables tipo de audiencia (nacional vs. internacional) y momento de emisión (antes vs. después del inicio de los diálogos). Apelaciones a la esperanza relativas a los objetivos de la paz, el reconocimiento de los derechos de las víctimas y de las causas estructurales del conflicto, así como la ausencia de estrategias de deslegitimación del adversario, sugieren un cambio en el esquema cognitivo social que caracterizó el discurso presidencial.

Psychology of peace: Findings and challenges for the multidimensional transformation of violent social practices.

“…Instead, ex-combatants' former group membershipmainly guerrillas and paramilitary groups-was usually considered and often analyzed as an explanatory variable in psychosocial processes. Both guerrilla and paramilitary demobilized participants in these studies were involved in state-led rehabilitation or reintegration programs, notably by the Colombian Agency for Reintegration (López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al, 2018;Trujillo et al, 2017;Ugarriza & Craig, 2013;Ugarriza & Nussio, 2017). Some of the psychosocial processes studied in this body of research include a sentiment of reconciliation, empathy, and ideology.…”

“…Some of the psychosocial processes studied in this body of research include a sentiment of reconciliation, empathy, and ideology. López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al (2018) found that a majority of ex-combatants reported high levels of a sentiment of reconciliation-that is, the individual feeling of being personally reconciled with those whom they offended in the past (Mukashema & Mullet, 2010). However, ex-combatants who did not participate in rehabilitation programs had smaller support networks, and former guerrilla combatants-as opposed to former paramilitary combatants-scored lower on the sentiment of reconciliation scale (López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al, 2018).…”

“…López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al (2018) found that a majority of ex-combatants reported high levels of a sentiment of reconciliation-that is, the individual feeling of being personally reconciled with those whom they offended in the past (Mukashema & Mullet, 2010). However, ex-combatants who did not participate in rehabilitation programs had smaller support networks, and former guerrilla combatants-as opposed to former paramilitary combatants-scored lower on the sentiment of reconciliation scale (López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al, 2018). Relatedly, despite their hypothesis of low empathy levels among ex-combatants in Colombia, Trujillo et al (2017) found that combat exposure was not necessarily related to generalized low empathy; instead, different empathy profiles were found.…”

“…The psychosocial consequences of the processes discussed above include the possibility of intentionally favoring reconciliation from the standpoint of perpetrators through rehabilitation and incorporation programs, given that former combatants can experience empathy toward members of communities affected by violence (López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al, 2018;Trujillo et al, 2017;Ugarriza & Nussio, 2017). Also, there is evidence suggesting that ex-combatants in Colombia are not a uniform population in terms of their empathy and ideology traits, so identifying varying profiles might be Copyright American Psychological Association.…”

“…The role of these elites' discourse in the context of the Colombian armed conflict has been extensively studied; however, psychosocial approaches are relatively undeveloped (Olave, 2014). Specifically, the psychosocial dimension of peace in elites' discourse was analyzed in the presidential discourse during Andrés Pastrana's (1998Pastrana's ( -2002 and Juan Manuel Santos's (2010-2014) presidential terms, FARC-EP and AUC official statements, newspaper articles in El Tiempo, and opinion leaders' tweets on Twitter (Borja Orozco et al, 2009;Borja-Orozco et al, 2008;López López, 2011;López-López et al, 2014;López-López, Rincón-Unigarro, et al, 2018;Sabucedo et al, 2004Sabucedo et al, , 2006Sánchez Sánchez et al, 2013).…”