“…My analysis of the WF DMs né and wè is inspired by seminal work on particles by Munaro & Poletto () and will prove striking confirmation for the hypothesis of Hill (,b) on the syntactic representation of the speech act. Munaro & Poletto (, ) were the first to propose that particles head functional projections and may attract the clause they select to their specifier .…”
Section: A Pilot Study: Wf Né and Wèmentioning
confidence: 62%
“…Put differently, (43c) is like the projection of a transitive verb. Hill (,b) does not consider the possibility of there being unaccusative variants of (43c), but we will see presently that WF may provide evidence for that. …”
Section: Particle Projections and Vocativesmentioning
confidence: 85%
“…For instance, Benincà () labels this domain DiscourseP (cf. also Garzonio ), Hill (:180) uses the label PragP , Hill (,b) proposes an articulated Speech Act Projection (‘SAP’), a point to which I return in section 5. Other labels reflect the speaker's relation to the utterance.…”
Abstract. This paper focuses on the West Flemish discourse markers located at the edge of the clause. After a brief survey of the distribution of discourse markers in WF, the paper proposes a syntactic analysis of the discourse markers né and wè. Based on the distribution of these discourse markers, of vocatives and of dislocated DPs, an articulated speech act layer is elaborated which corroborates the proposals in Hill (2007b). It is postulated that there is a syntactic relation between particles used as discourse markers and vocatives. The paper offers further support for the grammaticalization of pragmatic features at the interface between syntax and discourse and for the hypothesis that the relevant computation at the interface is of the same nature as that in Narrow Syntax.
“…My analysis of the WF DMs né and wè is inspired by seminal work on particles by Munaro & Poletto () and will prove striking confirmation for the hypothesis of Hill (,b) on the syntactic representation of the speech act. Munaro & Poletto (, ) were the first to propose that particles head functional projections and may attract the clause they select to their specifier .…”
Section: A Pilot Study: Wf Né and Wèmentioning
confidence: 62%
“…Put differently, (43c) is like the projection of a transitive verb. Hill (,b) does not consider the possibility of there being unaccusative variants of (43c), but we will see presently that WF may provide evidence for that. …”
Section: Particle Projections and Vocativesmentioning
confidence: 85%
“…For instance, Benincà () labels this domain DiscourseP (cf. also Garzonio ), Hill (:180) uses the label PragP , Hill (,b) proposes an articulated Speech Act Projection (‘SAP’), a point to which I return in section 5. Other labels reflect the speaker's relation to the utterance.…”
Abstract. This paper focuses on the West Flemish discourse markers located at the edge of the clause. After a brief survey of the distribution of discourse markers in WF, the paper proposes a syntactic analysis of the discourse markers né and wè. Based on the distribution of these discourse markers, of vocatives and of dislocated DPs, an articulated speech act layer is elaborated which corroborates the proposals in Hill (2007b). It is postulated that there is a syntactic relation between particles used as discourse markers and vocatives. The paper offers further support for the grammaticalization of pragmatic features at the interface between syntax and discourse and for the hypothesis that the relevant computation at the interface is of the same nature as that in Narrow Syntax.
“…In order for the allocutive probe at C to be properly valued, it must find a goal within its local search domain. Much in the spirit of work by Speas and Tenny (), Hill (,b, ) and by Haegeman and Hill (to appear), Miyagawa assumes that the relevant probe resides in a specialized Speech Act projection that dominates CP.…”
“…If the relevant operator movement takes place in a syntactic domain higher than the domain of argument fronting (and other fronting operations involved in MCP), there will be no intervention effects. For arguments in favor of high speaker-related projections, see, among others, Benincà 2001, Hill 2006, 2007a: 77, 2007b, Haegeman 2008 It is clear that the choice of analysis will have repercussions for the structure of the left periphery and in particular for the question of whether and how the syntax represents illocutionary force and force modifiers. This issue goes beyond the goals of this article.…”
By analogy with the movement analysis of temporal clauses, some authors have proposed that conditional clauses be derived by leftward operator movement (Bhatt and Pancheva 2002, 2006, Arsenijević 2009, Tomaszewicz 2009). This movement analysis of conditional clauses is shown to account for the incompatibility of main clause phenomena and conditional clauses in terms of intervention effects. The cartographic implementation of this analysis predicts that conditional clauses will be incompatible with speaker-oriented modal expressions and that conditional clauses will lack the low-construal reading found in temporal clauses (Bhatt and Pancheva 2002, 2006). Thus, the absence of low construal in conditional clauses, which was initially taken to be an obstacle for the movement account of conditional clauses (see Citko 2000), becomes an argument in its favor.
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