Language Ideological Debates 1999
DOI: 10.1515/9783110808049.235
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Singapore's Speak Mandarin Campaign: Language ideological debates in the imagining of the nation

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Cited by 97 publications
(45 citation statements)
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“…This lack of interpersonal contact has also led to a low voter turnout for Francophones in many regional elections, unless an issue is on the docket that directly influences Francophone rights, such as linguistic rights (Croucher, 2003). Similar separation and resentment have also occurred in the Breton region of France over language (Hargreaves, 2000), in parts of Britain in response to rapid immigration and language policies (Honeyford, 2003), in Singapore (Bokhorst-Heng, 2003), and in the United States over English-only laws (Barker & Giles, 2002;Cashman, 2006;Johnson, 1994;Palozzi, 2006), just to name a few. This understanding of linguistic perceptions can lead to resentment, the following first hypothesis is proposed: H1: French Muslims who perceive their linguistic freedoms as being restricted by the French government will report increased resentment toward the non-Muslim French majority.…”
Section: Resentment Of Majoritymentioning
confidence: 86%
“…This lack of interpersonal contact has also led to a low voter turnout for Francophones in many regional elections, unless an issue is on the docket that directly influences Francophone rights, such as linguistic rights (Croucher, 2003). Similar separation and resentment have also occurred in the Breton region of France over language (Hargreaves, 2000), in parts of Britain in response to rapid immigration and language policies (Honeyford, 2003), in Singapore (Bokhorst-Heng, 2003), and in the United States over English-only laws (Barker & Giles, 2002;Cashman, 2006;Johnson, 1994;Palozzi, 2006), just to name a few. This understanding of linguistic perceptions can lead to resentment, the following first hypothesis is proposed: H1: French Muslims who perceive their linguistic freedoms as being restricted by the French government will report increased resentment toward the non-Muslim French majority.…”
Section: Resentment Of Majoritymentioning
confidence: 86%
“…In addition, there is a lack of research produced specifically on Chinese as a lingua franca within the East Asian region. Instead, research tends to focus on specific examples, especially relating to Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong or Macao (Bokhorst-Heng, 1999;Scott & Tiun, 2007;Wee, 2009;Zhao & Liu, 2010;Gao, 2012;Kobayashi, 2013).…”
Section: Mandarin Chinese As a Lingua Franca In East Asiamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Singapore's leaders noticed that its Chinese population's language was fragmented among dialects and introduced Mandarin over a thirty year period with the goal of creating a homogenous Chinese-speaking population; the campaign, however, has been problematic in its acceptance for similar ISSN 2377-22632016 reasons as within the PRC (Lo Bianco, 2007;Bokhorst-Heng, 1999;Li, 2006;Wee, 2009). Challenging the SMC initiative were the dual problems that Singapore inherited a society built on English colonialism and that it consists of three major ethnic groups (Chinese, Malay and Indian/Sri-Lankan) often using English as a local lingua franca, impeding Chinese use (Wee, 2009).…”
Section: Mandarin Chinese As a Lingua Franca In East Asiamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Como estudos recentes têm discutido (BLOMMAERT, , 2012a(BLOMMAERT, , 2012bRAMPTON, 2011;BUSCH, 2012;EXTRA, SPOTTI e VAN AVERMAET, 2009;JACQUEMET, 2005JACQUEMET, , 2011JACQUEMET, , 2013MOITA LOPES, 2013;VERTOVEC, 2007;WANG et al, 2014), a diversidade na sociedade contemporânea é afetada marcadamente pela interação entre duas forças de mudança: "novas e mais complexas formas de migração e novas e mais complexas formas de comunicação e circulação do conhecimento" 1 (BLOMMAERT, 2013, p. 5 transnacionais) e práticas linguísticas locais, cujas consequências se refletem diretamente na regulação hierárquica de identidades "desejáveis" e "indesejáveis" para os Estados nacionais, definindo quem pode falar e em que língua deve falar dentro do território nacional. Uma parte significativa de pesquisas argumenta que as ideologias linguísticas são fundamentais para a construção do Estado-nação como uma comunidade imaginada (BHATT, 2010;BOKHORST-HENG, 1999;COLLINS, 1999;DIGIACOMO, 1999;PRATT, 1987), e que os próprios críticos dos nacionalismos, como Anderson (2008), construíram cenários monolíngues imaginados como "realidades" em suas argumentações (IRVINE;GAL, 2000;KROSKRITY, 2000;MIGNOLO, 2003;PHILIPS, 2000;PRATT, 1987;SILVERSTEIN, 2000). Em complemento, estudos discutem como esse mesmo Estado se constrói como a voz legítima e hegemônica nas decisões sobre as permissões, proibições, promoções e exigências de práticas linguísticas em fluxos migratórios CODÓ, 2008;CODÓ, 2013;DALMAU, 2013;DICK, 2011;JACQUEMET, 2011;SAXENA, 2001;MOORE, 2001;ROJO, 2013).…”
Section: Introductionunclassified