People tend to derogate their ideological opponents. But how does social status affect this tendency? We tested a prediction derived from hierometer theory that people with higher status would derogate ideological opponents less (i.e., evaluate them more charitably). We further predicted that greater rhetoric handling prowess (RHP: feeling more confident and less intimidated while arguing) would mediate the effect. Study 1 established a link between higher status and lesser opponent derogation correlationally. Study 2 did so experimentally.Using a scale to assess RHP developed and validated in Study 3, Study 4 established that RHP statistically mediated the correlational link between status and derogation. In Study 5, experimentally manipulating status affected RHP as predicted. However, in Study 6, experimentally manipulating RHP did not affect opponent derogation as predicted. Thus, our findings were substantially, but not entirely, consistent with our theoretically-derived predictions. Implications for hierometer theory, and related theoretical approaches, are of whom had donated at least $200 towards their preferred congressional candidate. These partisans expressed far warmer sentiments towards ideological allies than towards ideological opponents. Specifically, along a 0-to-100 feeling thermometer, the average ratings were 71 versus 24 for Democrats, and 79 versus 14 for Republicans. More generally, research conducted under the rubric of the similarity-produces-liking hypothesis confirms that attitudinal agreement fosters interpersonal amity. There remains some dispute over whether an overlap in attitudes prompts more favorable evaluations, conducive to interpersonal attraction (Byrne, Clore, & Smeaton, 1986), or whether discrepancies between attitudes prompt less favorable evaluations, conducive to interpersonal repulsion (Rosenbaum, 1986).Recently, Garcia, Bergsieker, and Shelton (2015) provided an illustration of how attitudinal discrepancies affected interpersonal liking both among long-established friends and recently acquainted strangers, and in ways that reflects intergroup dynamics. In a racially mixed US sample, they found that Black participants-for whom racial issues loom larger, and whose social standing is more precarious-were especially prone to dislike other Black participants if their attitudes on race diverged.Considerations concerning the structure of society lead us to the specific question we address in this article: How does social status affect opponent derogation? Does having SOCIAL STATUS AND IDEOLOGICAL OPPONENTS 4 higher status lead one to derogate those with whom one disagrees more or less? At first blush, higher status might seem to prompt greater derogation. Society, after all, is hierarchically stratified: People occupy a particular social rank, either enviably higher or regrettably lower (Fiske, 2010). Moreover, this stratification has often been interpreted as reflective of systemic dominance and oppression (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). If so, then people of higher sta...