Technologies of Government: Constituting Subjectivities, Spaces, and Infrastructures in Colonial and Contemporary Jakarta

Kooy, Michelle; Bakker, Karen

doi:10.1111/j.1468-2427.2008.00791.x

Cited by 172 publications

(136 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Appeals to environmental values when asking people to change their water-use habits are unlikely to succeed on their own as they are often outweighed by barriers such as lifestyle factors (Ministry for the Environment, 2009). Selby (2011) argues that in many cultures water usage is not just a product of climate but reflects the social and political ideals, for example maintaining private lawns and gardens, and perceived levels of hygiene and cleanliness (Kooy and Bakker, 2008). Additionally, water provision is seen by some as a fundamental human right and plans to curtail water use may be viewed as a challenge to social justice and equity (Ministry for the Environment, 2009).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accounting for groundwater in future city visions

et al. 2017

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A B S T R A C TCity planners, urban innovators and researchers are increasingly working on 'future city' initiatives to investigate the physical, social and political aspects of harmonized urban living. Despite this, sustainability principles and the importance of urban groundwater are lacking in future city visions. Using London as a case study, the importance of groundwater for cities is highlighted and a range of future city interventions may impact on groundwater are reviewed. Using data from water resource plans and city planning strategies, changes in the groundwater balance which may occur as a result of city interventions are calculated for two future city scenarios: a 'strategic' future informed by organisational policy and an 'aspirational' future guided by sustainability principles. For London, under a strategic future, preferential investment in industry-scale technologies such as wastewater treatment and groundwater storage would occur. Acknowledgement that behaviour change offers the potential for a faster rate of transformation than innovation technologies is ignored. The capacity of community-led action and smart-home technologies to deliver sustainable water use under an aspirational future is evident, with a measurable impact on urban groundwater. These methods may be used to inform city interventions that consider the social context in addition to environmental constraints and business drivers.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Accounting for groundwater in future city visions

et al. 2017

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“…State tactics to control the distribution of water-whether by extending the grid, participating in bribes, silent recognition of unauthorized networks, or cracking down on illegal usersshapes development by defi ning the water consumer, a process of scripting the 'bad' or 'invisible' citizen as well as the 'good' (Kooy and Bakker, 2008; see also Boelens, 2009;Boelens and Zwarteveen, 2005b). Water development is a bodily and biopolitical act: the construction of bootstrap infrastructure, the surveillance of clandestine connections, the tracking and punishment of specifi c people, the deliberate disregard of illegal networks, the corporeal differentiation between and among the urban poor and waterless.…”

Section: Discipline and Order In The Waterscapementioning

confidence: 99%

“…I fi rst examine how water theft functions-including the key objects and practices that shape the illicit abstraction and distribution of water-and then examine how water theft is policed and enforced by state authorities. Building on the notion that offi cialdom rarely ignores informal and illegal water systems (Boelens, 2009;Boelens and Zwarteveen, 2005a;2005b;Boelens et al, 2005;Ferguson, 1994;Kooy and Bakker, 2008), I explore how these practices produce and occasionally exceed state power, including neoliberal modes of water governance. This paper advances a biopolitical approach to water development.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Disciplining De Facto Development: Water Theft and Hydrosocial Order in Tijuana

Meehan

2013

Environ Plan D

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Abstract. Informal and illegal water provision is increasingly targeted as an impediment to state authorities and water development in the Global South. In contrast, this paper uses a biopolitical approach to argue that state authorities use illegal forms of water provision as a source of power, particularly to discipline certain spaces and sectors of the population; and moreover, that such power geometries are deeply uneven. To support these claims, I examine the production and enforcement of illegal provision in two communities located in Tijuana, Mexico. I examine how water theft functions-including the key objects and practices that shape the illicit abstraction and distribution of water-and then examine how water theft is policed and enforced by state authorities. Following Foucault, I suggest these processes occur on a bodily and infrastructural level to discipline water users. Findings indicate that while water theft supplies a vital resource for marginalized citizens-often in communal ways that exceed state power-the alternating tolerance and repression of water illegality is largely used by authorities to maintain hydrosocial order and, in eff ect, to control informal modes of development. The paper concludes with implications for understanding water informality and the uneven spatiality of state power.Keywords: water, illegality, informal development, state power, Tijuana IntroductionAs dawn breaks over a canyon in western Tijuana, Doña Rosa gets up for a drink of water. The hot August morning is already choked with dust from the unpaved roads of her neighborhood, Divina Providencia. (1) Rosa paces through the house-a tiny shack made of corrugated metal and discarded garage doors-and grabs a kettle, heading outside. Clotheslines and electricity wires zigzag above the small backyard patio, casting a lattice of shadows over colorful tins and potted plants. Rosa pauses and stares up at the web of white plastic tubes braced against steep canyon walls. High above the canyon fl oor, a toma clandestina-or unauthorized connection-diverts water from the municipal network into a maze of plastic pipes. Water is carried via gravity and piped to backyard spigots, such as Rosa's, where she fi lls the kettle to boil water for breakfast. Like many unconnected urban dwellers, Rosa and her neighbors rely on an intricate assemblage of unauthorized taps, unpaid labor, and nonmarket transactions to supply water and survive. In the absence of the grid, Rosa and other 'midnight plumbers' build networks and self-organize management of water that municipalities are unable or unwilling to provide (Bakker, 2010;Gandy, 2006Gandy, , 2008Swyngedouw, 2004).Informal and illegal water development, not surprisingly, is coming under greater scrutiny worldwide. World Bank experts estimate that over 48.6 million cubic meters of potable waterenough to supply 200 million people-escape daily from municipal networks, including 30 to

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“…Pande 2001;Jinliang et al 2004;Ridgers, Knowles, and Sayers 2012). I also draw on Kooy and Bakker (2008) and Seth (2007), who make a plea for a notion of subjectivity that attempts to be free from teleology, particularly by aiming to stay away from the suggestion that children's environmental subjectivities would in some way be lacking or insufficient. Furthermore, I understand the term 'environment' as connoting both managed and unmanaged environments, relatively 'natural' and more human-made environments, local and global environments, and current, past and future environments.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Multiple environments: South Indian children’s environmental subjectivities in formation

Hoop

2017

Children's Geographies

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This article explores the formation of South Indian children's (11-15 years old) environmental subjectivities based on five months of qualitative fieldwork with children in their school and non-school lives. By doing so, this paper aims to widen the scope of the existing literature on children's environmental subjectivities, which so far focused on separate aspects of children's lives such as environmental education, social relations or children's life courses. To do so, I use [Bourdieu, P. 1990. The Logic of Practice. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press] concepts of field, habitus and cultural capital along with a non-teleological notion of environmental subjectivity and insights from wider geographical literature on the formation of subjectivities. The paper shows how children's environmental subjectivities are constituted by and partially constitute the material environments and fields in which children live, their cultural capital and habitus, their movements through their life course and their environments and a wide range of practices through which children experience their environments. ARTICLE HISTORY

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Technologies of Government: Constituting Subjectivities, Spaces, and Infrastructures in Colonial and Contemporary Jakarta

Abstract: Abstract

Cited by 172 publications

References 42 publications

Accounting for groundwater in future city visions

Accounting for groundwater in future city visions

Disciplining De Facto Development: Water Theft and Hydrosocial Order in Tijuana

Multiple environments: South Indian children’s environmental subjectivities in formation

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