The Changing Politics of American Men: Understanding the Sources of the Gender Gap

Kaufmann, Karen M.; Petrocik, John R.

doi:10.2307/2991838

Cited by 335 publications

(256 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Inclusion of the mediators flips the sign such that Republican women are actually more conservative than Republican men when ideology, scope of government, and modern sexism are accounted for, though this effect is still not statistically significant. This is an interesting result in light of existing scholarship, which argues that men and women's attitudes toward social welfare issues have become increasingly correlated with partisanship over time (Kaufmann and Petrocik 1999;Norrander 1999). It suggests that party sorting largely accommodates gender differences in welfare preferences, though we observe that for most other issue areas, there is a residual effect of gender.…”

Section: Core Values Status-oriented Ideologies and The Republican contrasting

confidence: 39%

“…We think the differences between the parties reflect the outcomes of long-term party sorting mechanisms. As a result of the movement of Southern white men from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party (Kaufmann and Petrocik 1999), the Democratic Party has lost some of its more moderate constituents and has become more internally cohesive with respect to policy positions. 10 Within the Republican Party, gender still consistently exerts a unique effect on policy positions.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Women are more likely than men to identify with the Democratic Party (Kanthak and Norrander 2004;Norrander 1999), vote in Democratic primaries (Patterson 2009), and support Democratic candidates in general elections (Kaufmann and Petrocik 1999;Miller 1991). There is growing evidence that this partisan gender gap is a result of ideological sorting along party lines.…”

Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As the party system in the United States became increasingly polarized at the elite level, members of the public have responded to elite signals, gravitating to the party that best represents their preferences (Abramowitz 2010;Levendusky 2009). Attitudes toward social welfare issues have become more closely correlated with partisanship for both men and women (Kaufmann and Petrocik 1999;Norrander 1999), and women in particular have responded to the heighted salience of "culture wars" issues (Kaufmann 2002).…”

Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

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American Party Women

Barnes

Cassese

2016

Political Research Quarterly

114

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ArticleTraditionally, women were more politically conservative than men. Yet, in the early 1980s, women began realigning, shifting to the left of men and reversing the gender gap in developed democracies across the globe (BoxSteffensmeier, De Boef, and Lin 2004;Inglehart and Norris 2003). Today, women in the United States are more likely to identify with the Democratic Party, vote for Democratic Party candidates, and hold liberal positions on social issues. Although scholars have devoted considerable attention to understanding the gender gap in public opinion, existing research focuses almost exclusively on average differences between men and womenemphasizing women's liberal tendencies and defining women's political identity almost entirely in liberal terms. While women's greater average liberalism is well established empirically, approximately one in four women identify with the Republican Party-a figure that translates into millions of American women who buck this liberal trend (Deckman 2016). Because existing research has focused on average differences between men and women, we know little about sources of heterogeneity among women.Does the gender gap extend to the Republican Party, with Republican women holding more liberal views than their male counterparts? To date, most research about Republican women has focused on the elite level, investigating factors like party structure, activists and donors, conservative women's groups, and candidates for political office (Cooperman and Crowder-Meyer 2015;Thomsen 2015). Comparatively little research has considered the attitudes and issue preferences of Republican women in the electorate. 1 In recent years, the United States has seen a rise in high-profile Republican women running for office and the development of a conservative women's movement (Schreiber 2008(Schreiber , 2014. The surge in conservative appeals to women, coupled with the increased salience of and polarization on "women's issues"-for example, the Mommy Wars and the Republican War on Women-requires that scholars revisit the conventional wisdom about women's political identities.Building on the burgeoning body of research on partisan sorting, we develop expectations regarding the intersection between gender and party. Theories of partisan sorting suggest that women and men sort themselves into the party that best represents their views-such that the AbstractResearch on the gender gap in American politics has focused on average differences between male and female voters. This has led to an underdeveloped understanding of sources of heterogeneity among women and, in particular, a poor understanding of the political preferences of Republican women. We argue that although theories of ideological sorting suggest gender gaps should exist primarily between political parties, gender socialization theories contend that critical differences lie at the intersection of gender and party such that gender differences likely persist within political parties. Using survey data from the 2012 American National Election ...

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Section: Core Values Status-oriented Ideologies and The Republican contrasting

confidence: 39%

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Gender Gaps In Public Opinion and Partisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

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American Party Women

Barnes

Cassese

2016

Political Research Quarterly

114

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“…For all three sets of groups, there exists considerable research about the sizable gaps in opinion for certain issue domains between the groups (Conover 1988;Jelen 1991;Kaufman and Petrocik 1999;Kellstedt and Corwin 1991;Kellstedt et al 1994;Kinder and Sanders 1996;Page and Shapiro 1992;Smidt 1988). In the case of gender, men and women have different views of policies involving the use of violence and compassion issues.…”

Section: Selection Of Groupsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Negative Group Primes

McSween¹

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My paper examines the effects of negative group primes on policy preferences.My primary hypothesis states that negative group primes will have an effect not only on the policy preferences of respondents who receive the primes about a group in which they are not a member (out-group), but they will also be affected by negative primes about their own group (in-group). For members of the more powerful groups, the negative out group primes are very likely to have an effect on policy preferences in ways that widen gaps in public opinion. However, negative in-group primes are unlikely to have an effect on their political attitudes. For members of the less powerful groups, the inverse will be the case as they resist these negative primes by supporting policies linked to their groups with greater furor.To test these hypotheses, I have conducted experiments on three sets of groupmale and female, Caucasian and African American, mainline and fundamentalist Protestant. These groups were selected for two reasons. First, there is compelling evidence in literature of political behavior of gaps in policy preferences. Second, they represent groups with impermeable and permeable membership boundaries.The results suggest that negative out-group primes affect the attitudes of members of the more powerful. However, the effects differ across groups, sometimes in unexpected ways. For whites, the negative African-American primes increased their support for social welfare spending and racial policies. For mainline Protestants, the negative fundamentalist primes decreased their support for social welfare spending and spending for the environment but more supportive of school vouchers and equal roles for women. With all but one exception, these results run counter to my hypotheses. While the negative out-group primes affect whites and mainline Protestants in similar ways, it is unlikely that the cause is the same. In the case of gender, negative female primes decrease support for programs such as social welfare programs per my hypotheses. It is clear from the results that group members interact and conflict in the political realm in very different ways. The results for members of less powerful groups are less clear.

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Women and the rhetoric of safety: The impact of policy framing on attitudes toward discriminatory policies

Wemlinger

2020

Sexuality Gender & Policy

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The expansion of the rights for many in the LGBT community across the US along with the Obergefell v. Hodges Supreme Court ruling has created a backlash in many states against the LGBT community. This backlash has recently been furthered by even more restrictive policy, reflected in North Carolina's HB2 act in 2016 eliminating the power of localities to provide more inclusive environments for the LGBT community through multiple policy mechanisms. The rhetoric surrounding these policies focus on the safety of women and children. The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between gender and attitudes toward discriminatory policies. What impact does this framing have on a mother's attitudes toward LGBT policies? Utilizing US individual level survey data this study evaluates whether there are gender differences regarding attitudes toward restrictive gay and lesbian policy and a change in the success of these frames from 2008 to 2014.

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The Changing Politics of American Men: Understanding the Sources of the Gender Gap

Cited by 335 publications

References 27 publications

American Party Women

American Party Women

The Effects of Negative Group Primes

Women and the rhetoric of safety: The impact of policy framing on attitudes toward discriminatory policies

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