2012
DOI: 10.5771/0935-9915-2012-4-341
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The Future of the French Trade Unions

Abstract: This article investigates the transformations of the French unionism and of the French system of industrial relations over the last years and their probable future. It shows: an evolution from a militant unionism to a professionalized trade unionist system; the decline of collective actions; the increase of negotiation, especially at plant level; the dependence of unionists on their employers for their funding, their resources and their careers. This evolution marks a shift towards a new system which is very d… Show more

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Cited by 8 publications
(10 citation statements)
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“…17 This rejection of traditional politics in favour of more participatory democratic practice was summed up in a declaration featured in an edition of the Nuit Debout online daily gazette [37]: 14 "Nous dépassons les cercles militants traditionnels et obligeons les édias à parler de nous." 15 Fewer than eight per cent of the French workforce are unionised (compared to nearly 25% in Britain and almost 30% in the European Union) a significant decrease since the 1980 when around 30 per cent of employees were members of a trade union [34][35][36] (The Economist, 2014; Andolfatto and Labbé, 2012; Pignoni, 2016). The right to strike was introduced into the French constitution in 1946, which means workers can stop working to make professional and social claims.…”
Section: (A) a Leaderless Horizontal Social Movement And Participativmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…17 This rejection of traditional politics in favour of more participatory democratic practice was summed up in a declaration featured in an edition of the Nuit Debout online daily gazette [37]: 14 "Nous dépassons les cercles militants traditionnels et obligeons les édias à parler de nous." 15 Fewer than eight per cent of the French workforce are unionised (compared to nearly 25% in Britain and almost 30% in the European Union) a significant decrease since the 1980 when around 30 per cent of employees were members of a trade union [34][35][36] (The Economist, 2014; Andolfatto and Labbé, 2012; Pignoni, 2016). The right to strike was introduced into the French constitution in 1946, which means workers can stop working to make professional and social claims.…”
Section: (A) a Leaderless Horizontal Social Movement And Participativmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Du fait de certaines de ses caractéristiques, le syndicalisme français permet d'identifier les stratégies de mobilisation du capital social lors d'une reconversion en dehors du syndicat et leurs facteurs. Premièrement, le syndicalisme français est marqué par une forte professionnalisation des militants syndicaux (Andolfatto et Labbé, 2012), militants qui cumulent de nombreux mandats et fonctions. Deuxièmement, le syndicalisme français doit faire face à une vague de départ en raison de la Loi n° 2008-789 du 20 août 2008 (article L. 2121-1) qui a modifié la représentativité automatique des syndicats et a remis en question certains mandats syndicaux, obligeant de facto plusieurs permanents à se trouver un emploi à l'extérieur du mouvement syndical.…”
Section: Méthodologieunclassified
“…Aucun chiffre officiel n'a été communiqué par les organisations syndicales, mais le Rapport parlementaire Perruchot de 2011, effectué pour le gouvernement français, a souligné cette réalité. Troisièmement, le syndicalisme français est marqué par des liens très forts avec le monde politique (Andolfatto et Labbé, 2012). Les leaders syndicaux, mais également les militants, sont liés à des partis politiques, ce qui augmente les liens qu'ils peuvent mobiliser.…”
Section: Méthodologieunclassified
“…In a context in which French workers have been willing to mobilize in mass but only sporadically, an orientation towards workers' immediate concerns has delivered some significant initial membership gains for SUD, but this growth has largely stalled as mobilizations have not scored a decisive victory (Ubbialli, 2004). Out of the slightly fewer than 2 million unionized workers, SUD membership of 80,000 remains significantly lower than the two largest confederations each with memberships of around half a million (Andolfatto and Labbé, 2012).…”
Section: Crisis Of Membership and Mobilization Capacity: Public Servimentioning
confidence: 99%