The Geopolitics of Insecurity in the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula

Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates

doi:10.1111/j.1475-4967.2011.00490.x

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…This article focuses on two factors: aggregate power and proximity. The main assumption is that, following the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq, which began in 2007 and was completed in 2011, there has been a change in the distribution of power in the entire ME region (Del Sarto et al 2019), and a broadening of its traditional borders, as demonstrated by the regional stakeholders' activism in the Horn (Ulrichsen 2011;Verhoeven 2018), in Afghanistan (Steinberg and Woermer 2013;Bell 2014) and in Libya (Dessì and Greco 2018, 67-87;Megerisi 2019).…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To this end, it explores the effects of ME rivalries on the formation of alignments with HOA countries, focusing on the efforts of the KSA and UAE. Accepting the dominant paradigm according to which the HOA is considered by both countries as part of their security hinterland (Ulrichsen 2011;Huliaras and Kalantzakos 2017;De Waal 2019;Cannon and Donelli 2019), the main hypothesis is that the KSA and UAE both want to align with HOA countries in order to increase their security by balancing against the predominant political and ideological threats posed by perceived challengers (Walt 1987;Schweller 1994;Christensen and Snyder 2002): the influence of Iran (KSA) and the rise of Islamist movements (UAE).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Fluctuating Saudi and Emirati Alignment Behaviours in the Horn of Africa

Donelli

Dentice

2020

The International Spectator

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The overthrow of Omar al-Bashir after three decades of rule has brought to light a dynamic that has been present for years: an interweaving of political, economic and security issues between the states of the Horn of Africa and the Gulf monarchies. Since 2011, the most active powers are the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which seek political support to counter both Iran's influence and the growing Turkish presence. The two Gulf monarchies' search for alignments with African counterparts has favoured the continuous reshuffling of alliances with direct effects on the local actors' strategic choices. These dynamics need to be considered to understand the determinants behind the currently increasing instability in the Red Sea area.

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Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Fluctuating Saudi and Emirati Alignment Behaviours in the Horn of Africa

Donelli

Dentice

2020

The International Spectator

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“…Foreign military presence alone might not threaten the national integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia. Rather territorial integrity of Ethiopia can be threatened by a combination of different factors: the country's internal politics, the country's nature, extent and purpose of involvement in Horn politics itself; the Horn evil political culture of supporting ones neighboring insurgents, foreign countries sale and supply of arms to countries and even insurgents, terrorist groups, and the rivalry among the Arab, Western and the South emerging powers to control the Red Sea coastal area (Ulrichsen, 2011). First, the absence of constitutionalism, the existence of liberation front (Ogaden National Liberation Front and Oromo Liberation Front) and organized forces who are fighting to seize power such as the combined force of Patriotic-Ginbot 7-may pose a danger.…”

Section: Security Implication For Ethiopiamentioning

confidence: 99%

The Advent of Competing Foreign Powers in the Geostrategic Horn of Africa: Analysis of Opportunity and Security Risk for Ethiopia

Ayferam¹,

Muchie²

2016

IRD

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This paper examines the opportunity and security implication of the advent of competing foreign powers in the geostrategic Horn of Africa for Ethiopia. Accordingly, the paper argues that since the advent of competing foreign powers in Horn of Africa is both an opportunity and security risk for Ethiopia, there is a need for a rational and assertive foreign policy aimed at utilizing the opportunity, minimizing the risk and countering neo-colonialism and -Clientelism‖. Methodologically, the study employed qualitative research methodology. Accordingly, the study used secondary source of data; collected from books, published journal articles, published and unpublished theses and dissertation, governmental and non-governmental organization reports and remarks, magazines and other internet sources. To substantiate the data, the paper also used primary data collected through key informant interviews. Given the data gathered are qualitative, the study employed qualitative data analysis techniques. The finding of the study shows that Horn of Africa has become -an athletic field‖ of foreign powers. It can be argued that the region has become -a military garrison‖: US, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, China and Saudi Arabia have already established their military base at Djibouti. Thus, the militarization of the Horn is both an opportunity as well as a risk for Ethiopia, a nucleus and landlocked country of the sub-region. It is an opportunity in areas of military, regional stability, accelerating factor of regional integration and economic worth. However, these opportunities are largely determined by the Ethiopia's diplomatic utmost effort and policy reorientation. Despite these opportunities, the rise of foreign powers in the Horn of Africa has a security risk: national security, economic, political and military. Therefore, Ethiopia needs a rational and assertive foreign policy to utilize the opportunities and at times to minimize the security risk. First, in domestic policy setting constitutionalism is highly needed which is imperative. Second, regionally, Ethiopia must stabilize and normalize its relation with Eritrea. Moreover, Ethiopia must strength its relation with all of its neighbors. Third, Ethiopia must maintain a good relation with foreign powers that already established a military base in Djibouti. In this regard, over-reliance on some foreign powers and neglecting others, becoming an instrument of foreign powers must be avoided. Rather Ethiopia must use a rational policy and at times must follow the foreign policy of Emperor Menelik -playing one foreign power over the other‖. Moreover, emphasis also should be given to the importance of collective security. Finally, Ethiopia and the region must work towards countering neo-colonialism and patron-client relations. Falling to adopt countering strategy may be quoted as -neo-colonialism and Clientelism‖ by invitation.

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Food Security in the Face of Salinity, Drought, Climate Change, and Population Growth

Cheeseman

2016

Halophytes for Food Security in Dry Lands

105

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The Geopolitics of Insecurity in the Horn of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula

Cited by 7 publications

References 6 publications

Fluctuating Saudi and Emirati Alignment Behaviours in the Horn of Africa

Fluctuating Saudi and Emirati Alignment Behaviours in the Horn of Africa

The Advent of Competing Foreign Powers in the Geostrategic Horn of Africa: Analysis of Opportunity and Security Risk for Ethiopia

Food Security in the Face of Salinity, Drought, Climate Change, and Population Growth

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