A central feature of local politics and participation in the industrial democracies has been the growing nationalization of local authority. National party organizations and nationally designed policies have played an increasingly important role in the towns, cities, and other subunits of local government of most democracies. There are two prevailing views of this trend, each based on very different assumptions. The first is that local governments are basically the conduit for extending services and benefits to citizens (Sharpe, 1970). In general, this view holds that the jurisdictional confusion of local government is an obstacle to effective government, and that the political vitality of the local government unit in terms of its partisan links to the center, voter turnout and participation, and the like are of secondary importance. Thus, the first view places emphasis on nationalization through the control of local government finance, provision of standard services, and unification of local units to provide the &dquo;optimal&dquo; size local government. Nationalization through political channels is often viewed with suspicion, if not simply rejected as retrogressive and inefficient.The second position starts from more distinctly political premises, considering the vitality of democracy at the local level as an indicator of democratic vitality in the entire system. If local governments have active two-party systems, a high degree of voter interest and participation, and competitive local councils, so also will the local citizens benefit from more responsive government, communicate their preferences and needs more URBAN