The Obstruent Inventory of Roper Kriol

Baker, Brett; Bundgaard‐Nielsen, Rikke L.; Graetzer, Simone

doi:10.1080/07268602.2014.898222

Cited by 14 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Drawing on a new corpus of spontaneous speech, this paper offers an updated description of the vowel phonology in the Barunga variety of Roper Kriol. This complements other recent research on consonant voicing in Roper Kriol at Numbulwar [6] and vowels and consonants in Gurindji Kriol, another local variety in the region [7,8,9].…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 87%

Vowels in the Barunga Variety of North Australian Kriol

Jones

Demuth

et al. 2017

Interspeech 2017

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North Australian Kriol is an English based creole spoken widely by Indigenous people in northern Australia in areas where the traditional languages are endangered or no longer spoken. This paper offers the first acoustic description of the vowel phonology of Roper Kriol, within a variety spoken at Barunga Community, east of the town of Katherine in the Northern Territory. Drawing on a new corpus for Barunga Kriol, the paper presents analyses of the short and long monophthongs, as well as the diphthongs in the spontaneous speech of young adults. The results show the durations and spectral characteristics of the vowels, including major patterns of allophony (i.e. coarticulation and context effects). This updates the phonology over the previous description from the 1970s, showing that there is an additional front low vowel phoneme in the speech of young people today, as well as a vowel length contrast. Interestingly there are points of similarity with the vowel acoustics for traditional Aboriginal languages of the region, for example in a relatively compact vowel space and in the modest trajectories of diphthongs.

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 87%

Vowels in the Barunga Variety of North Australian Kriol

Jones

Demuth

et al. 2017

Interspeech 2017

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“…The Friedman test [ 53 ] is a non-parametric alternative to one-way repeated-measures ANOVA. Posthoc comparisons are computed and the resulting p-values adjusted for multiple comparisons using the Dunn-Bonferroni test procedure [ 54 ].…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Discrimination of Multiple Coronal Stop Contrasts in Wubuy (Australia): A Natural Referent Consonant Account

et al. 2015

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Native speech perception is generally assumed to be highly efficient and accurate. Very little research has, however, directly examined the limitations of native perception, especially for contrasts that are only minimally differentiated acoustically and articulatorily. Here, we demonstrate that native speech perception may indeed be more difficult than is often assumed, where phonemes are highly similar, and we address the nature and extremes of consonant perception. We present two studies of native and non-native (English) perception of the acoustically and articulatorily similar four-way coronal stop contrast /t ʈ ȶ/ (apico-alveolar, apico-retroflex, lamino-dental, lamino-alveopalatal) of Wubuy, an indigenous language of Australia. The results show that all listeners find contrasts involving /ȶ/ easy to discriminate, but that, for both groups, contrasts involving /t ʈ / are much harder. Where the two groups differ, the results largely reflect native language (Wubuy vs English) attunement as predicted by the Perceptual Assimilation Model [1, 2, 3]. We also observe striking perceptual asymmetries in the native listeners' perception of contrasts involving the latter three stops, likely due to the differences in input frequency. Such asymmetries have not previously been observed in adults, and we propose a novel Natural Referent Consonant Hypothesis to account for the results.

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“…Based on production studies of stop voicing in both Gurindji Kriol (Jones and Meakins, 2013) and Kriol (Baker et al, 2014), we would expect the Gurindji Kriol participants will not have a strong perceptual contrast between voiced and voiceless stops, while the Kriol participants should, in turn, maintain two separate categories. In addition, if results from the standard experiment differ substantially from the simplified version, it may be possible that exposure to Standard Australian English through formal Western education is influencing group ii's perception.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Based on impressionistic data, Kriol has been described as not having a stop voicing contrast, at least not in basilectal varieties, in existing published literature (Hudson, 1985;Munro, 2004;Sandefur, 1979) as well as in recent surveys (Butcher, 2008;Schultze-Berndt, Meakins, and Angelo, 2013). However, Bundgaard-Nielsen and Baker (2016) and Baker, Bundgaard-Nielsen, and Graetzer (2014), show that second and third generations of monolingual Roper Kriol speakers both produce and perceive stop-voicing contrasts ([p-b, t-d, k-g]) while first generation speakers show variability. For Gurindji Kriol, Jones and Meakins (2013) show that Gurindji Kriol speakers tend to assimilate any form of stop voicing perceptually to that of Gurindji's phonological system though there is some degree of variation.…”

Section: 4mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Development of Phonological Stratification: Evidence from Stop Voicing Perception in Gurindji Kriol and Roper Kriol

Stewart

Meakins

Algy³

et al. 2018

Journal of Language Contact

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This study tests the effect of multilingualism and language contact on consonant perception. Here, we explore the emergence of phonological stratification using two alternative forced-choice (2afc) identification task experiments to test listener perception of stop voicing with contrasting minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. We examine a unique language ecology consisting of three languages spoken in Northern Territory, Australia: Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan), and Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol). In addition, this study focuses on three distinct age groups: children (group i, 8>), preteens to middle-aged adults (group ii, 10–58), and older adults (group iii, 65+). Results reveal that both Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners in group ii contrast the labial series [p] and [b]. Contrarily, while alveolar [t] and velar [k] were consistently identifiable by the majority of participants (74%), their voiced counterparts ([d] and [g]) showed random response patterns by 61% of the participants. Responses to the voiced stimuli from the preteen-adult Kriol group were, however, significantly more consistent than in the Gurindji Kriol group, suggesting Kriol listeners may be further along in acquiring the voicing contrast. Significant results regarding listener exposure to Standard English in both language groups also suggests constant exposure to English maybe a catalyst for setting this change in motion. The more varied responses from the Gurindji, Kriol, and Gurindji Kriol listeners in groups ii and iii, who have little exposure to English, help support these findings.

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The Obstruent Inventory of Roper Kriol

Cited by 14 publications

References 27 publications

Vowels in the Barunga Variety of North Australian Kriol

Vowels in the Barunga Variety of North Australian Kriol

Discrimination of Multiple Coronal Stop Contrasts in Wubuy (Australia): A Natural Referent Consonant Account

The Development of Phonological Stratification: Evidence from Stop Voicing Perception in Gurindji Kriol and Roper Kriol

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