The Populist Radical Right and the Media in the Benelux: Friend or Foe?

Jonge, Léonie de

doi:10.1177/1940161218821098

Cited by 47 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 24 publications

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“…Even media outlets such as Fox News Channel deny Trump's anti-democratic bluster a stage, thereby showcasing that such an approach to far-right actors is perfectly viable (cf. de Jonge 2019). As in the US, the coronavirus pandemic has in most countries mainly resulted in support for actors that (also rhetorically) mostly aim for maintaining the status quo.…”

Section: Postscriptmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ill-neoliberalism

Huijzer

2021

krisis

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In a recent contribution Hendrikse (2018) has coined the concept of neo-illiberalism to signify mainstreaming of illiberal doctrines among neoliberal elites, thereby signifying a ‘mutation and restoration of transatlantic neoliberalism’. After a critical appraisal of his concept, this contribution argues that it is too early to claim that neoliberalism is mutated and suggests that the present conjuncture can better be termed ill-neoliberal instead. Following numerous scholars who have argued that we have arrived at an interregnum, I argue, also by applying Gramscian framework, that neoliberalism is increasingly malfunctioning, ‘ill’ or even dying, while something new is yet to be born. Yet in contrast to those who apply a Gramscian approach, I do not regard the rise of Trump or the European far right as ‘morbid symptoms’, but as attempted remedies (or authoritarian restorations) for neoliberalism. Neoliberal elites, somewhat reluctantly, welcome illiberal actors and doctrines in an effort to keep existing hierarchies in place or even restore old ones, now by even more authoritarian means. This transformation in the transatlantic neoliberal heartlands towards more illiberal regimes differs, then, from the emerging (and already) illiberal or authoritarian world powers such as China. If we were to accept the validity of the term ‘neo-illiberalism’ this should be exclusively applied to those regimes that are consistently illiberal, but increasingly rely on an ever-growing private economy (cf. Aiyar. 2016). Yet, whether such powers will be able to install a new (global) order depends foremost on the ability of the transatlantic heartlands to overcome neoliberalism. The article therefore concludes by pointing at some outlooks for the renewal and further contestation of an increasingly malfunctioning neoliberalism.

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Section: Postscriptmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ill-neoliberalism

Huijzer

2021

krisis

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“…The ways in which the media approach the far right is shaped by journalistic norms (Ellinas 2010: 211) 10 . Flemish media practitioners have gradually become more accommodative towards PRRPs than their francophone colleagues, who adhere to strict demarcation (de Jonge 2019).…”

Section: Beyond Demand and Supply: Contextual Factorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Curious Case of Belgium: Why is There no Right-Wing Populism in Wallonia?

Jonge¹

2020

Gov. & oppos.

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Why are populist radical right parties (PRRPs) more successful in some countries than in others? This question is analysed here by focusing on Belgium. While Flanders (the northern, Dutch-speaking part of Belgium) was home to one of the strongest far-right movements in Europe, Wallonia (the southern, francophone part) has remained ‘immune’ to such tendencies. The article argues that different historical experiences have given rise to a hostile political environment for PRRPs in Wallonia, where mainstream parties and the media have created a successful cordon sanitaire. In Flanders, mainstream parties and the media have gradually become more accommodative towards PRRPs. By emphasizing the sociopolitical context in which parties operate, the findings suggest that the reactions of mainstream parties and the media are crucial to understanding the success of PRRPs. The conclusion reflects on potential lessons to be drawn from the Belgian case for mainstream parties and media practitioners elsewhere.

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“…One type of response has come from within existing media institutions where media workers are rethinking the ways they cover events and controversies staged by populists. De Jonge () conducted research interviews with journalists in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxemburg and found that they had come to different strategies for how to cover far‐right populists in these regions. Phillips (), a media scholar, has developed a guide for journalists for better practices to help reduce journalists' role in “amplifying” the publicity of media manipulation practices associated with far‐right populists.…”

Section: Populism and The Politics Of Mediamentioning

confidence: 99%

Populist communication and media environments

Nadler

2019

Sociology Compass

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Populist leaders and movements have long adapted their communication practices to fit their media environments. Yet, research on the relationship between media and populism has been limited until recently. This article offers an overview of how media researchers have been identifying populist media and communication practices and investigating ways in which media structures may constrain or enable the growth of populist movements. It discusses three different scholarly frameworks that suggest that social media platforms and shifts in news media may be providing new opportunities for populist messages to circulate more widely. These shifts may be a contributing factor to a recent surge in populism across many countries. Finally, this article raises normative questions about journalistic practices and media policy in response to concerns about right-wing populist communication practices.

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The Populist Radical Right and the Media in the Benelux: Friend or Foe?

Cited by 47 publications

References 24 publications

Ill-neoliberalism

Ill-neoliberalism

The Curious Case of Belgium: Why is There no Right-Wing Populism in Wallonia?

Populist communication and media environments

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