The survival of the black tobacco farmer: Empirical results and policy dilemmas

Schulman, Michael; Newman, Barbara A.

doi:10.1007/bf01591842

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…Different farm commodities, and different regional topographies, may expose farmers to different hazards. In North Carolina, African-American-owned farms predominantly are located in the flat terrain of eastern North Carolina and produce tobacco [Luebke, 1990;Schulman and Newman, 1991b].…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In 1987, 49% of the farms operated by African-Americans in the United States were smaller than fifty acres [Jones, 1994]. Furthermore, African-Americans operate farms with lower levels of capital investment than Caucasian farmers [Schulman and Newman, 1991b], in large part because these farmers have suffered a history of discrimination in access to federal and commercial agricultural loans [Williamson, 1992;Carpenter, 1994]. These conditions have led African-American farmers to produce labor-intensive crops, such as tobacco, which can be profitably grown on small areas of land [Schulman and Newman, 1991b].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Fatal agricultural injuries in North Carolina by race and occupation, 1977-1991

et al. 1997

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Medical examiner reports and death certificates were reviewed for all fatal agricultural injuries (n = 228) that occurred on‐the‐job in North Carolina between 1977 and 1991. Data were collected on the decedents' age, gender, race, date and time of injury, means of injury, and occupation. Annual workforce estimates were derived from the 1980 and 1990 US Census of the Population. Overall, 54% of the fatal injuries were due to tractors. Farmers who suffered fatal injuries tended to be older (median age = 56 years) and Caucasian (87%), while farm workers who died on the job were younger (median age = 35 years) and more often African‐American (60%). The crude mortality rate for farmers was 38 per 100,000 worker‐years; the crude rate for farm laborers was 16 per 100,000 worker‐years. Age‐adjusted fatal injury rates were 2.5 times higher among African‐American farmers than among Caucasian farmers; furthermore, between 1977 and 1991 the rate of fatal injury among African‐American farmers increased an estimated 14.7% per year. African‐American farmers in North Carolina have experienced rising rates of fatal injuries at a time when employment in the industry is declining due to consolidation of farm ownership and foreclosures of African‐American owned farms. In order to address the growing racial disparity in farm fatalities, efforts need to be made to improve the conditions under which African‐American farmers are working. Am. J. Ind. Med. 31:452–458, 1997. © 1997 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fatal agricultural injuries in North Carolina by race and occupation, 1977-1991

et al. 1997

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“…Moreover, from 1989 to 1995, the state saw about 7,000 small hog farmers go out of business, as they were displaced by 700 larger producers with at least 1,000 hogs (Smothers 1995 :A8). Given the rate of land loss for both Black farmers and independent hog farmers, some have predicted their eventual extinction by the early part of the next century (Schulman and Newman 1991 ;Cecelski and Kerr 1992).…”

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confidence: 99%

Environmental Justice, Swine Production and Farm Loss in North Carolina

Edwards¹,

Ladd²

2000

Sociological Spectrum

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Rural Economic Development vs. Tobacco Control? Tensions Underlying the Use of Tobacco Settlement Funds

Austin¹,

Altman²

2000

Journal of Public Health Policy

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Some public health advocates in tobacco states, having reconsidered the impacts of the federal tobacco price-support program, have negotiated common tobacco regulatory policy stances with tobacco grower representatives. This paper describes the impact of this rapprochement on the state-level negotiations of Master Settlement Agreement funds. It argues that there are indeed two worthy public health goals: tobacco control and the economic viability of tobacco dependent communities (TDCs), but the immediacy of the threat to the latter, the political potency of tobacco growers, and growers' goal of maintaining tobacco as their farms' anchor bring severe risks to the tobacco control portion of Settlement funds. Among three competing philosophies of economic development for TDCs, none are well evaluated, and two potentially create endless demands on Settlement resources. Public health policy advocates are urged to participate in negotiations on TDC economic development and to forcefully advocate for adequate tobacco control resources.

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The survival of the black tobacco farmer: Empirical results and policy dilemmas

Cited by 4 publications

References 4 publications

Fatal agricultural injuries in North Carolina by race and occupation, 1977-1991

Fatal agricultural injuries in North Carolina by race and occupation, 1977-1991

Environmental Justice, Swine Production and Farm Loss in North Carolina

Rural Economic Development vs. Tobacco Control? Tensions Underlying the Use of Tobacco Settlement Funds

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