Traumatic stress of multiple murder investigations

Sewell, James D.

doi:10.1002/jts.2490060109

Cited by 17 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…Unlike the gradual demise of a relative with a progressive illness, bereavement by sudden and unanticipated violence robs the family of the innoculatory balm of anticipation. Added to this is the stark confrontation of the survivors with their own mortality and vulnerability as the illusion of safety and order in the world is shattered (Amick-McMullan et al, 1989;Armour, 2003;Bard & Sangry, 1986;Boss, 2002;Carson & MacLeod, 1997;Getzel & Masters, 1984;Janoff-Bulman, 1992;MacLeod, 1999;Miller, 1994Miller, , 1998aMiller, , 1998bMiller, , 1999Miller, , 2003aMiller, , 2003bMiller, , 2008Miller & Schlesinger, 2000;Niemeyer, 2000Niemeyer, , 2001Park & Folkman, 1997;Raphael, 1983;Ressler et al, 1988;Rynearson, 1984Rynearson, , 1988Rynearson, , 2001Rynearson & McCreery, 1993;Sewell, 1993Sewell, , 1994Sprang & McNeil, 1995;Sprang et al, 1989;Stewart, 1999;Worden, 1991).…”

Section: Effect Of a Loved One's Murder On Family Membersmentioning

confidence: 96%

Family Survivors of Homicide: I. Symptoms, Syndromes, and Reaction Patterns

Miller¹

2009

The Am. J. of Family Therapy

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As more and more mental health clinicians become involved in the criminal justice system, family therapists will see increasing numbers of crime victims in their caseloads, and some of these families will have lost loved ones to murder. Part I of this two-part article describes the common and atypical symptoms, syndromes, and reaction patterns shown by families who have experienced the murder of a loved one. Part II will present a practical model for treating family survivors of homicide that incorporates cognitivebehavioral, psychodynamic, family systems, and existential components. Throughout, the emphasis is on therapists being equipped with a sufficiently broad range of clinical tools to treat these survivors flexibly, effectively, competently, and compassionately.As more and more mental health clinicians become involved in the criminal justice system, family therapists will see increasing numbers of crime victims in their caseloads, and some of these families will have lost loved ones to murder. Part I of this two-part article describes the common and atypical symptoms, syndromes, and reaction patterns shown by families who have experienced the murder of a loved one. Part II will present a practical model for treating family survivors of homicide that incorporates cognitive-behavioral, psychodynamic, family systems, and existential components. Throughout the process, therapists should understand the importance of being equipped with a sufficiently broad range of clinical tools to treat these survivors flexibly, effectively, competently, and compassionately.

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Section: Effect Of a Loved One's Murder On Family Membersmentioning

confidence: 96%

Family Survivors of Homicide: I. Symptoms, Syndromes, and Reaction Patterns

Miller¹

2009

The Am. J. of Family Therapy

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“…For example, in New Zealand, the Disengagement Summit (1998) concluded that between 1985 and 1997, some 73% of disengagements were attributed to occupational stress and 21% to traumatic stress. Given the significant detrimental consequences that police work can have on the psychological health of police officers (Alexander & Wells, 1991;Jamieson, 1992;Kirkcaldy, Cooper, & Ruffalo, 1995;Marmar, Weiss, Metzler, Ronfelt, & Foreman, 1996;Sewell, 1993;Stephens & Miller, 1998), the development of effective stress risk management strategies should be a priority for police organizations. In regard to the manner in which traumatic stress risk management is conceptualized, the past decade has witnessed a progressive shift from a focus predominantly on…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Conceptualizing traumatic stress in police officers: Preemployment, critical incident, and organizational influences.

2006

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The nature of police work exposes officers to the prospect of repetitive experience of critical incidents that can affect their well-being. A progressive move from an almost total focus on tertiary intervention to one that advocates proactive primary intervention and recognition that traumatic events can elicit growth outcomes has highlighted a need to expand both the range of predictor variables assessed and sequelae that they predict. Recognition that repeat exposure may complicate reactions and the fact that officers may enter police work with a prior history of traumatic experience also call for an expansion in the scope of traumatic stress research in police officers. This article examines how preemployment traumatic experience, multiple-duty versus off-duty events, and the organizational context influence traumatic stress symptoms and posttraumatic growth. It examines the role of these factors during the 1st year of police life and commences at officers' point of entry into police work.

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“…An important issue in this area is the nature of the stressors themselves. Stressors experienced by police have been divided into two categories: job content and job context stressors (Evans & Coman, 1993); or similarly: event versus organisational stressors (Sewell 1993). Organisational stressors are those relating to the structure of the organisation such as shift work, frustrating administrative policies, lack of support from superiors, and excess paper work.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It has often been assumed that the duties police officers carry out (job content or event stressors) make police work particularly stressful and are responsible for most negative health outcomes. However, researchers have long recognised that traumatic events are not the only source of stress for police officers (Brough, 2005;Brown & Campbell, 1990;Evans & Coman, 1993;Hart, Wearing, & Headey, 1993;Paton, Huddleston, & Stephens, 2006;Reiser, 1974;Sewell, 1993;Sigler & Wilson 1988;Spielberger, Westberry, Grier, & Greenfield, 1981;Violanti & Aron, 1993). Indeed, a growing body of research suggests that job context (or organisational) stressors are of greater concern and studies have found that workload or unfair work practices have an important impact on psychological and physical health outcomes for police officers (Huddleston, Stephens & Paton, 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Daily Organisational Hassles and Uplifts as Determinants of Psychological and Physical Health in a Sample of New Zealand Police

Stephens¹,

Pugmire²

2008

International Journal of Police Science & Management

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This study investigated the role of minor daily events (organisational hassles and uplifts) as determinants of psychological distress and selfrated health in a sample of 326 New Zealand police officers. Hassles were associated with negative outcomes, and uplifts with positive health outcomes. Tests of relationships between hassles, uplifts and health showed that hassles were not positively correlated with uplifts and that the hassles and health relationship was not moderated by uplifts, however, the prediction that more hassles than uplifts would negatively affect health was supported. These results suggest that both decreasing hassles and increasing uplifts are promising approaches to organisational improvement of health. Some suggestions for the improvement of the police specific measure of hassles and uplifts are made for future exploration of the relationships between positive and negative experiences at work in regard to stress.

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Traumatic stress of multiple murder investigations

Cited by 17 publications

References 17 publications

Family Survivors of Homicide: I. Symptoms, Syndromes, and Reaction Patterns

Family Survivors of Homicide: I. Symptoms, Syndromes, and Reaction Patterns

Conceptualizing traumatic stress in police officers: Preemployment, critical incident, and organizational influences.

Daily Organisational Hassles and Uplifts as Determinants of Psychological and Physical Health in a Sample of New Zealand Police

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