Uprooted but Stable: Chilean Parties and the Concept of Party System Institutionalization

Luna, Juan Pablo; Altman, David

doi:10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00115.x

Cited by 217 publications

(106 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…20 Although research shows that slightly more than 20% of the electorate identifies with the PT, the same is not the case for the PSDB, which passes the mark of 5% with much difficulty (SAMUELS AND ZUCCO, 2014). The Brazilian case fits into the situation described by Luna and Altman (2011), in which a party system finds itself institutionalized For its part, a set of characteristics of the Brazilian electoral system completes the scenario. Operating within large districts, the system places hardly any important barriers to legislative access.…”

Section: Presidential Elections and Legislative Fragmentationmentioning

confidence: 86%

The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System

Melo

2015

Bras. Political Sci. Rev.

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The Brazilian party system presents a paradox. Although the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) have controlled presidential elections for the last 20 years, their force at the other levels of electoral competition has not grown. The objective of this study is to undertake a discussion of this situation through the 2014 general elections. After attempting to explain why successive challengers have not been able to change the structure of competition for the Brazilian presidency, I will analyze the relation established between the pattern observed at this level and the other "connected" electoral disputes-both those for state executive and federal legislative office. The general conclusion is that even if the pattern continues, it is quite improbable that this will significantly impact the other levels of national political party competition.Keywords: Presidential elections; competition structure; Brazilian party system. magine a country with little political party tradition, where parties are relatively recent and organizationally fragile; where the majority of the electorate is more accustomed to valuing individual candidates than the available party labels and do not identify with any of them. Now add to this the fact that for the sixth consecutive time, the same two parties dominated the presidential election and one of them won the last four disputes.There is something strange about these two things. It would not be so strange if the parties, in this case the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB), were also the two largest national parties; however, they (*) http://dx

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Section: Presidential Elections and Legislative Fragmentationmentioning

confidence: 86%

The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System

Melo

2015

Bras. Political Sci. Rev.

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“…Responses were dummy-coded ( In addition, the survey asked respondents about their political identification, from which three binary variables were computed: identifies with the Alianza (18.2%), identifies with the Concertació n (20.6%), and identifies with Communist coalition (6.7%). The remaining categories (i.e., other political group [4.7%] and none [49.8%]) were combined into the reference category (for a discussion on why independents predominate in Chile, see Bargsted & Somma, 2013;Luna & Altman, 2011). Our choice of reference category was based on two considerations.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Historical Dramas, Current Political Choices: Analyzing Partisan Selective Exposure With a Docudrama

Valenzuela

Brandão

2015

Mass Communication and Society

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This study investigates the docudrama hypothesis-the idea that fiction based on real stories can influence audience members' perception of political reality-in the context of current debates on partisan selective exposure and reinforcement effects. It does so by analyzing the influence of an Oscarnominated docudrama on viewers' attitudes and behavioral intention using propensity score matching. By means of a representative survey, we find strong evidence of partisan selective exposure and avoidance. Furthermore, among respondents with a similar likelihood of film attendance, actual attendance has a strong association with positive retrospective evaluations of the political coalition glorified in the movie, and an indirect relationship-via retrospective evaluations-with voting intentions. Discussion of the findings shed light into potential real-world political effects of partisan selective exposure using content other than news.

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“…168, Madrid, abril-junio (2015) (Morgan, 2007). Otros autores, basándose en un marco teórico similar, han declarado la crisis terminal del sistema de partidos en Chile (Luna y Mardones, 2010), o han alertado sobre los peligros que conlleva un desarraigo tan pronunciado de los partidos con la ciudadanía (Altman y Luna, 2011;Luna y Rosenblatt, 2012). No obstante en Chile, a pesar de la caída de la identificación partidaria y de la emergencia de candidatos independientes, los partidos tradicionales mantienen el monopolio de la representación.…”

Section: Mauricio Morales Quirogaunclassified

Debut y despedida. La derecha chilena en las elecciones presidenciales 2013

Quiroga¹

2015

Rev. Estud. Polít.

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ResumenLuego de veinte años como oposición, la derecha llegó al poder en 2009 con Sebastián Piñera. Lo que sería una nueva etapa política para Chile, terminó sólo en un paréntesis. La derecha fue arrollada por la ex Presidenta Michelle Bachelet en las elecciones de 2013, quien ganó con un 62,16% en la segunda vuelta. Este artículo identifica las causas del resultado electoral de acuerdo al efecto combinado de tres condiciones. En primer lugar, la baja popularidad del gobierno y el escaso traspaso de esa popularidad a la candidata presidencial Evelyn Matthei, a lo que se sumó un tardío proceso de selección del candidato oficialista. En segundo lugar, la fractura electoral del oficialismo por la candidatura del independiente Franco Parisi. En tercer lugar, la caída de la participación electoral en el contexto del voto voluntario. Comparando con 2009, la votación de derecha disminuyó drásticamente junto con el desplome de la participación.Palabras claves: Chile; elecciones; Bachelet; conducta electoral.(1) Agradezco el apoyo del proyecto FONDECYT N° 1150059 "La identificación partidaria como motor de la estabilidad. Chile en perspectiva comparada", y los comentarios de los evaluadores anónimos de la Revista de Estudios Políticos. AbstractAfter twenty years in opposition, the right came to power in 2009 with Sebastián Piñera. What would be a new political era for Chile, ended only in a parenthesis. The right was run by former President Michelle Bachelet in the 2013 elections, who won with 62.16% in the ballotage. This article identifies the causes of the election result according to the combined effect of three conditions. First, the low popularity of the government and the low transfer popularity to presidential candidate (Evelyn Matthei). Second, the electoral split the ruling by the candidacy of independent Franco Parisi. Third, the decline in voter turnout in voluntary voting. Compared to 2009, the voting right decreased dramatically with the collapse of participation.

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Uprooted but Stable: Chilean Parties and the Concept of Party System Institutionalization

Cited by 217 publications

References 21 publications

The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System

The 2014 Elections and the Brazilian Party System

Historical Dramas, Current Political Choices: Analyzing Partisan Selective Exposure With a Docudrama

Debut y despedida. La derecha chilena en las elecciones presidenciales 2013

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