Wandel der Einstellungen zu Kinderbetreuung und Elternschaft in Europa – Persistenz kultureller Differenzen

Pfau‐Effinger, Birgit; Euler, Thorsten

doi:10.5771/9783845255545_179

Cited by 7 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 0 publications

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“…The majority of countries had multiple predominant gender ideology profiles-and these were not necessarily compatible. This is in line with the gender culture approach, which contends that several dominant ideologies may coexist (Pfau-Effinger, 2012;Pfau-Effinger & Euler, 2014). In addition, our research highlights the fact that in these contexts, existing policies support the ideologies held by some groups, but not others.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 85%

“…In addition, mass opinion and thus dominant gender ideologies have been identified as major obstacles for the implementation of more transformative, gender-egalitarian work-family policies in Europe (Morgan, 2009, p. 48). Furthermore, it has been argued that during processes of social change, several dominant family models may compete, thereby creating a contradictory gender culture within a given context (Pfau-Effinger & Euler, 2014). Together this research suggests that the association between gender ideology and work-family policies is mutually reciprocal and thus linked (see Table 1) although potentially asynchronous.…”

Section: Interdependencies Between Gender Ideologies and Work-family mentioning

confidence: 77%

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Gender Ideologies in Europe: A Multidimensional Framework

Grunow

Begall

Buchler

2018

J of Marriage and Family

235

191

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The authors argue, in line with recent research, that operationalizing gender ideology as a unidimensional construct ranging from traditional to egalitarian is problematic and propose an alternative framework that takes the multidimensionality of gender ideologies into account. Using latent class analysis, they operationalize their gender ideology framework based on data from the 2008 European Values Study, of which eight European countries reflecting the spectrum of current work–family policies were selected. The authors examine the form in which gender ideologies cluster in the various countries. Five ideology profiles were identified: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenting, moderate traditional, and traditional. The five ideology profiles were found in all countries, but with pronounced variation in size. Ideologies mixing gender essentialist and egalitarian views appear to have replaced traditional ideologies, even in countries offering some institutional support for gendered separate spheres.

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Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 85%

Section: Interdependencies Between Gender Ideologies and Work-family mentioning

confidence: 77%

Gender Ideologies in Europe: A Multidimensional Framework

Grunow

Begall

Buchler

2018

J of Marriage and Family

235

191

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“…On the basis of the limited working hours, low wages and high social risks related to Minijobs, these policies have also contributed towards reinforcing traditional structures of gender inequality. It was possible for the Red-Green government to legitimise the reintroduction of this type of marginal employment because it linked the discourse related to Minijobs with traditional cultural ideals emphasising the male-breadwinner-led family and women's responsibility for housework and childcare, which have remained dominant, at least in the context of West Germany (Pfau- Effinger and Euler, 2014). This type of labour market policy is therefore problematic from a gender-equality perspective since women are more likely to work in Minijobs than men, resulting in the higher vulnerability of women regarding social and financial hazards.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There are two reasons for the plausibility of assuming that women of a later working age have a higher likelihood of working in Minijobs. First, women of the older generation are more likely than younger women to be oriented towards the traditional cultural ideal of the 'male breadwinner/female care' model (Pfau-Effinger and Euler, 2014). Therefore, a relatively large proportion of older women in Germany prefer to work part-time instead of full-time in order to be able to perform household work for their husbands or provide care for grandchildren (Brandt and Hank, 2014).…”

Section: Supply-side Factorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dualisation of Part-Time Work

2019

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Work-life balance, gender and part-time work 10 The interplay of welfare state policies with supplyand demand-side factors in the production of marginalised part-time employment among women in Germany Birgit Pfau-Effinger and Thordis Reimer 11 Part-time strategies of women and men of childbearing age in the Netherlands and Australia Mara A. Yerkes and Belinda Hewitt 12 Are female part-time workers dualised in South Korea? Institutional structures and employment conditions of South Korean female part-time jobs Min Young Song and Sophia Seung-yoon Lee 13 Conclusion and prospects Hanne Cecilie Kavli and Heidi Nicolaisen Index vii List of tables and figures Tables 1.1 A typology of part-time work and part-time workers 1.2 Key employment indicators 2016 3.1a Types of part-time employment among childless women aged 25-49 years old, by intersectional categories (age, education), Spain and Italy (%) 3.1b Types of part-time employment among women with children aged 25-49 years old, by intersectional categories (age, education), Spain and Italy (%) 3A.1 Labour market indicators in the six countries -population aged 15-64, percentages, 2016 3A.2 Indicators on part-time employment in the six countriespopulation aged 15-64, percentages, 2016 3A.3a Percent inactive by intersectional categories (age, gender and education), Spain and Italy 3A.3b Percent inactive by intersectional categories (age, education and number of children under 14 years old), Spain and Italy 3A.4a Worked hours (self-declared) by intersectional categories (age, gender and education), Spain and Italy (averages) 3A.4b Gender gap in hours worked (self-declared) (men hours ÷ women hours) by intersectional categories (age, education and number of children under 14 years old), Spain and Italy 3A.5 Characteristics of standard and non-standard employment by involuntariness, 25-49 years old, Spain and Italy (percentages) 3A.6 Percentages of workers that declared to be involuntary part-timers by intersectional categories (gender, age and education), Spain and Italy 4.1 Descriptive data on employee informants (part-time workers) 4.2 Working time among women (20-64 years), by occupation (%) 4A.1 Working time among women (25-59 years), by occupation and region of origin (%) 5.1 Explaining women's access to flexible working-time arrangements across 30 European countries in 2015 5.2 Multilevel results explaining the cross-national variance between part-time and full-time female workers in their access to flexitime across 30 European countries in 2015 6.1 Key features of Danish private services, percentages, 2015 6.2 Wage and working time regulations in selected collective agreements covering Danish private services, 2018 xii

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“…In line with these changes, a significant increase in educational homogamy, or non-traditional resource matches, understood as similar levels of educational attainment or earnings among male and female partners, has been found in European countries (Blossfeld and Timm 2003). This trend is mirrored by more egalitarian gender ideologies held by younger cohorts (Davis and Greenstein 2009;Dorius and Alwin 2010;Lück 2006;Pfau-Effinger and Euler 2014). Since both sexes are more highly educated compared to their parents' generation, have more similar labour market experiences and enter couple relationships on more equal terms, scholars interested in the gendered division of labour expected to observe more gender egalitarian divisions of paid and unpaid work among these couples and families.…”

Section: Research Question and Motivationmentioning

confidence: 99%