2020
DOI: 10.3390/rel11050235
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When Piety Is Not Enough: Religio-Political Organizations in Pursuit of Peace and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe

Abstract: In post-independence Zimbabwe, religion has been associated with piety and acquiescence rather than radical confrontation. This has made it look preposterous for religious leaders to adopt seemingly radical and confrontational stances in pursuit of peace and reconciliation. Since the early 2000s, a new breed of religious leaders that deploy radical and confrontational strategies to pursue peace has emerged in Zimbabwe. Rather than restricting pathways to peace and reconciliation to nonconfrontational approache… Show more

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Cited by 8 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…In line with Hasbullah (2012) idea, the rise of the Indonesian Muslim middle class is also caused by the transformation of the acceleration of economic development during the New Order. This description distorts the views of Afrianty (2020), Ja'far (2020), Mahmood (2005) and Tarusarira (2020) which explain that the emergence of Piety in the public space is an activity in order to gain political mass.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 64%
“…In line with Hasbullah (2012) idea, the rise of the Indonesian Muslim middle class is also caused by the transformation of the acceleration of economic development during the New Order. This description distorts the views of Afrianty (2020), Ja'far (2020), Mahmood (2005) and Tarusarira (2020) which explain that the emergence of Piety in the public space is an activity in order to gain political mass.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 64%
“…Second, they point to the urgent human rights concern such as Afghan refugees and argue that the Grotian moment has arrived for the religious community to uphold universal moral principles and transfer the political status quo fundamentally, modeling themselves the only appropriate solution indispensable for the wide-reaching and imminent crisis. After establishing a broad and solid audience base to generate the bottom-up momentums in political, economic, social, and cultural arenas (Bean 2014), TRAs can also infiltrate into the policy-making procedure and persuade secular leaders to "incorporate religious beliefs, norms, and values into foreign policy" for the top-down religious influence, as demonstrated in scholars' examination of Islam-informed foreign politics in Middle Eastern states and the Balkans (Öztürk 2020Mandaville and Hamid 2018;Ciftci and Tezcür 2016;Haynes 2021;Tarusarira 2020). This top-down and bottom-up religious soft power can further translate into an accountability mechanism applied by both the state and religious non-state actors (RNGOs) to reinforce transparency, responsibility, and liability in multinational coalitions and global governance (Steiner 2011).…”
Section: Soft Power and Religious Soft Power In Irmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The micro-level approaches within Africa included three books (Oxford University Press, Routledge, and Lexington Books: Ackah et al 2017;Bragg et al 2015;, 2 conference papers (Adogame and Amwe 2019; Swidler 2019), one report (Chilimampunga and Thindwa 2012), and 15 journal articles. The journals were: Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion (4), the Australasian Review of African Studies (3), Religions (2), and one each from: African Studies Review, the George Washington International Law Review, HTS Teologiese Studies, Medical Anthropology Quarterly, OKH Journal, and PloS One (Ashforth 2015;Dicks 2013;McNamara 2015;Van Der Meer 2013;Mgbako and Glenn 2011;Schoeman 2017;Agadjanian and Yabiku 2015;Beck and Gundersen 2016;Hayford and Trinitapoli 2011;Moaddel and Karabenick 2018;Launiala and Honkasalo 2010;Nyasulu 2020;Pell et al 2013;Huber and Huber 2012;Tarusarira 2020). The studied countries include: Malawi (9), Ghana (3), South Africa (2), Burkina Faso (1), Egypt (1), Kenya (1), Zimbabwe (1), Morocco (1), Mozambique (1), Nigeria (1), and Sudan (1).…”
Section: Africamentioning
confidence: 99%