Why Putin went to war: ideology, interests and decision-making in the Russian use of force in Crimea and Donbas

Bukkvoll, Tor

doi:10.1080/13569775.2016.1201310

Cited by 29 publications

(17 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…I denne artikkelen argumenterer jeg for at RT gjennom de ulike aktørframstillingene tegner et bilde av konflikten i Ukraina som både en intern ukrainsk styringskrise og en internasjonal konflikt mellom Russland og Vesten, saerlig USA, om gjeldende verdensorden. Dette funnet støtter opp om antagelsen om at motivasjonen for Russlands involvering i Ukraina er å finne i internasjonal politikk og i det russiske forholdet til Vesten, så vel som i det russiskukrainske forholdet (se for eksempel Bukkvoll 2016).…”

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Å kommunisere en konflikt – aktører i RTs dekning av situasjonen i Ukraina i februar–mars 2014

Østevik

2017

Nordisk Østforum

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Communicating Conflict: Actors in RT Coverage of the Situation in Ukraine FebruaryÁMarch 2014This article analyses the Russian public diplomacy news organization RT's coverage of the situation in Ukraine in FebruaryÁMarch 2014, the period that culminated with the annexation of Crimea. It finds that enemy images were drawn of the West/USA and of Ukrainian radicals, whereas the liberal opposition and in part the new Ukrainian government were subjected to «symbolic annihilation» Á that is they were not represented at all, only indirectly in depictions of the enemy image of the other actors. Locating these portrayals in the theoretical literature on «strategic narratives», the author interprets them as attempts at achieving consensus around Russia's own perspectives on international affairs, which include the promotion of a world order in which the USA is no longer a hegemon and Russia is respected as a great power.

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Å kommunisere en konflikt – aktører i RTs dekning av situasjonen i Ukraina i februar–mars 2014

Østevik

2017

Nordisk Østforum

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“…Waltz, 1979) consider a balanced distribution of power as a factor that decreases the likelihood of conflictual behaviour since an equal distribution prompts mutual restraint; conversely, theorists of the preponderance of power (Kugler and Lemke, 1996;Rasler and Thompson, 2012), and supporters of the bargaining model of war (Blainey, 1988;Fearon, 1995) believe that a roughly equal distribution of power produces miscalculation, increasing the likelihood of conflicts. 10 Empirical research 8 On the role of individual variable, see Treisman (2012); Donaldson (2000); Bukkvoll (2016); Roxburgh (2013); Hill and Gaddy (2015). Although many scholars agree on the importance of addressing Russia's international behaviour through a combination of theoretical propositions, few scholars have adopted such solutions and have only focused on specific cases.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dangerous dyads in the post-Soviet space: explaining Russia's military escalation decisions, 1992–2010

Rosa

Cuppuleri

2021

Riv. ital. sci. polit.

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This paper analyses the military behaviour of Russia from 1992 to 2010. The method used is a combination of the dyad analysis introduced by Stuart Bremer in 1992 and the analysis of unit-level variables, which is distinctive of foreign policy analysis. We empirically test a set of hypotheses about the determinants of Russia's military behaviour in the post-Cold War period by considering the impact of changes of international variables – relative power, the presence of military alliance pacts, the territorial salience of the dispute – and state-level variables – the degree of democracy/autocracy and regime vulnerability. A bivariate and a multivariate analysis are carried out to explain the separate and joint impacts of independent variables.

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“…From this aspect, the expansion of NATO, which means Russia's sphere of influence will be encroached by the West, can directly threaten national security and authority [14]. If Ukraine becomes NATO membership, the geographic distance between the Moscow and military infrastructure of NATO will be shorter substantially [15]. Thus, the geopolitical position of Ukraine, lying on the border between the West and Russia, is vital for geopolitical strategy and national security.…”

Section: Ukraine Is Critical For Russia's Geopolitical Strategy and N...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Reasons for Russia’s Preference for Taking Control Over Ukraine

Jing¹

2022

Proceedings of the 2022 3rd International Conference on Mental Health, Education and Human Development (MHEHD 2022)

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The conflict between Ukraine and Russia has been escalating since the Ukraine crisis in 2014. In 2020, the tension between these two states reached its culmination. This conflict not only refers to Russia, Ukraine and the Western power, it also poses a threat to international security. This paper tends to analyze the factors that provoke Russia to intervene in Ukraine, specifically from a political perspective. It is expected that the analysis of this issue could contribute to future research in the relationship between these countries, and to understand the actions taken by Russia. For analyzing the problem more compressively, this literature searched for articles from 2000 to present on Google Scholar and JSTOR, and through screening according to keywords, a total of 23 articles were selected. In summary, there are three main factors summarized in this article, in terms of domestic political stability, geopolitical strategy, and national defense industry development.

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Why Putin went to war: ideology, interests and decision-making in the Russian use of force in Crimea and Donbas

Cited by 29 publications

References 9 publications

Å kommunisere en konflikt – aktører i RTs dekning av situasjonen i Ukraina i februar–mars 2014

Å kommunisere en konflikt – aktører i RTs dekning av situasjonen i Ukraina i februar–mars 2014

Dangerous dyads in the post-Soviet space: explaining Russia's military escalation decisions, 1992–2010

The Political Reasons for Russia’s Preference for Taking Control Over Ukraine

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