Why Trade Unions Oppose Basic Income

Vanderborght, Yannick

doi:10.2202/1932-0183.1002

Cited by 55 publications

(37 citation statements)

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“…12 Of course, one could respond that the fact of being paid an unconditional income that is funded by the taxation system -which means that its existence results from a huge process of transfer of income and wealth from the better-off to the rest of the society -would create a sense of belonging to the group of the "repossessed" that would help create new forms of class 11 Alex Gourevitch's contribution to this issue offers a very subtle discussion of these concerns. 12 For a study of unions' (lack of) support to basic income, see Vanderborght (2006).…”

Section: Economic Sovereignty As the Democratization Of Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Sovereignty as the Democratization of Work: The Role of Basic Income

Casassas

2016

Basic Income Studies

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Let us understand economic democracy as the fourfold capacity (i) to decide what social relations we wish to "enter" in order to work; (ii) to determine the (im)material nature of the space where we decide to stay and work, which requires the capacity of having a "voice" that is effectively listened to; (iii) to opt for "exiting" this space in case its nature and functioning go against what we wish for our lives; and (iv) in case we opt for leaving, to resort to an outside-theprevious-workplace offering tools for second and subsequent opportunities, that is, to effectively "restart" our (re)productive lives in other terms and conditions. Basic income can play a crucial role in fostering such capacity. Because of its unconditionality, and thanks to bargaining power deriving from it, basic income is a sort of income that is convertible in terms of (a) time to conceive of (and put into practice) projects of one's own, be it individually and/or collectively; (b) a capacity to explore alternative options and take promising risks; and (c) the right to credit, in the twofold sense of the right to financial resources and the right to social trust. As noticed and appreciated by some post-crash social movements, there are some spheres where such democracy-enhancing bargaining power may unfold: wage-earning work, the decommodification of labour force and the possible subsequent constitution of cooperatives and other self-managed (re)productive spaces, the household, entrepreneurship, socio-political participation, etc. In sum, more flexible combinations of different kinds of work may emerge when individuals and groups enjoy an income stream that is guaranteed as a right, which echoes both classical and contemporary discourses on the need for humans to have the democratic right to autonomously choose and determine work(s) all along the life cycle.

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Section: Economic Sovereignty As the Democratization Of Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Sovereignty as the Democratization of Work: The Role of Basic Income

Casassas

2016

Basic Income Studies

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“…When explaining the failure of BI's realization, authors have emphasized factors such as its weak and divided political support (Andersson & Kangas, 2002;De Wispelaere & Noguera, 2012;Vanderborght, 2006) and its unsuitability for the prevailing social security systems and ideologies (Andersson, 2000;Julkunen, 2009). De Wispelaere andNoguera (2012, pp.…”

Section: Theoretical Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Good and Bad Times of Social Innovations: The Case of Universal Basic Income in Finland

Koistinen

Perkiö

2014

Basic Income Studies

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This article draws on innovation and agenda-setting theories to identify critical points in the realization of basic income in Finland. Our empirical data comprise 13 models of either unconditional basic income or social security reform proposals with some similarity to basic income. The models examined were published in Finland between 1984 and 2011. Using these data, we build a conceptual framework that enables us to discuss the role of the content, players, political and macro-economic context, and public interpretations in the successes and failures of the basic income initiatives.

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“…Sin embargo, una renta mínima aporta una opción de salida. Al ampliar la capacidad de los trabajadores remunerados para dejar sus puestos de trabajo, una renta mínima puede empezar a reajustar el desequilibrio de poder que existe entre los empleadores y los empleados (véase, por ejemplo, Standing, 2002; Vanderborght, 2006). Una opción de salida semejante resulta especialmente importante cuando el crecimiento del empleo precario erosiona las bases tradicionales de la protección de los trabajadores.…”

Section: Renta Mínima: ¿Una Solución?unclassified

Madres solas, prestaciones sociales condicionadas y empleo precario: ¿es el momento para una renta mínima en el Canadá?

Evans

2009

Revista Int Seguridad Social

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Resumen El incremento del empleo precario plantea retos importantes a las actuales políticas de asistencia social de ayuda a los ingresos y aún se encuentra desatendido en gran medida en los ámbitos de formulación de las políticas. Este documento, que se nutre de datos cualitativos de un estudio realizado en Ontario, Canadá, estudia las consecuencias concretas que tienen estos retos sobre las madres solas, que ocupan un lugar destacado tanto en formas de empleo no tradicionales como entre los objetivos de las políticas de prestaciones sociales condicionadas. En el contexto de mercados de trabajo en proceso de cambio, el artículo evalúa las posibles ventajas y limitaciones de los enfoques basados en una renta mínima para proporcionar seguridad económica a las madres solas.

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Why Trade Unions Oppose Basic Income

Cited by 55 publications

References 0 publications

Economic Sovereignty as the Democratization of Work: The Role of Basic Income

Economic Sovereignty as the Democratization of Work: The Role of Basic Income

Good and Bad Times of Social Innovations: The Case of Universal Basic Income in Finland

Madres solas, prestaciones sociales condicionadas y empleo precario: ¿es el momento para una renta mínima en el Canadá?

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