The article uses a dataset of the 2010-15 Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP)
Keywords:Cameron Coalition, Conservative Party, Government Ministers, Ministerial backgrounds.
IntroductionThere is a considerable academic literature on ministerial selection within British Government. by Ed Miliband who bemoaned the fact that there were as many Etonians in the Cameron Cabinet as female (HC Deb, 2013-14, 14 February 2014. It was also made by Conservative parliamentarian, Nadine Dorries. Overlooked for ministerial office she accused Cameron of relying on a 'narrow clique' made of a 'certain group of people' and that those people were 'arrogant posh boys ' (Orr, 2012). This paper aims to explore these issues (and others) raised by Miliband and Dorries. The paper is organised around four sections. The opening section considers the literature on ministerial selection within British government in order to position the paper and to identify its contribution to the existing literature. In the second section we outline our hypotheses before explaining issues of data collection and our methods for testing our hypotheses. The third section presents the results and identifies whether our hypotheses were substantiated. In our conclusion we summarise our key findings and relate them to areas for further research development.
Academic Literature on Ministerial SelectionOur interest in studying the representativeness of ministers' vis-à-vis the PCP under Cameron stems from a desire to test the media driven assumptions of elitism within ministerial ranks -i.e. the elite-theory driven argument that implies that ministerial advancement is part of a 'selfreinforcing' process, in which the leadership promotes and protects like-minded people from similar backgrounds to the exclusion of those outside the elite inner sanctum (Sandbrook, 2011). This is a particularly pertinent theme to explore as Cameron had pledged to lead a more representative government by committing himself to a target of one third of ministers being female by 2015, and the difficulties that he would experience in hitting this target (Heppell, 2012;Annesley and Gains, 2012, see also Annesley 2014and Childs and Webb, 2012.However, before examining Cameron's record in terms of appointments and dismissals it is important to situate our study within the body of academic literature on ministerial selection. The rationale for analysing ministerial selection, whether scholars are considering ministerial longevity, turnover or dismissals, is that they all engage in some way with the principal-agent debate between the leader (principal) and the minister (agent) (Berlinski, Dewan, and Dowding 2012, pp. 1-3; see also Alderman and Cross, 1985; Dowding 2007, 2010; Huber and MartinezGallardo, 2008;Indridason and Kam, 2005;Bright, Doring and Little, 2015). The principalagent debate intrigues scholars as it provides an insight into the importance of reshuffles, through which Prime Ministers seek to reaffirm their dominance over their party colleagues, and limit the capacit...