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Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui peningkatan karakter siwa dengan menggunakan nilai-nilai kearifan lokal Leuweung Gede Kampung Kuta. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode Penelitian Tindakan Kelas (Classroom Reseach). Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui observasi, wawancara, pemberian tes (pre dan post test). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa nilai-nilai kearifan lokal Hutan Leuweung Gede  mampu meningkatkan karakter siswa, yang dibuktikan dengan hasil angket yang meningkat dari setiap siklus, yaitu dari 50% menjadi 80%. Diantara nilai-nilai kearifan lokal Hutan Leuweung Gede Kampung Kuta adalah nilai keagamaan, bahasa, etika, menjaga lingkungan, sistem teknologi dan lainnya.The purpose of this study was to determine the improvement of the character of the shiva by using the local wisdom values of Leuweung Gede Kampung Kuta. This research was conducted using the Classroom Research method (Classroom Research). Data collection was carried out through observation, interviews, giving tests (pre and post test). The results showed that the values of local wisdom in the Leuweung Gede Forest were able to improve the character of students, as evidenced by the increasing results of the questionnaires from each cycle, from 50% to 80%. Among the local wisdom values of the Leuweung Gede Forest in Kampung Kuta are religious values, language, ethics, protecting the environment, technology systems and others.

Violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a minority communities escalated during the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. This study discusses discrepancy between local and central state officials in response to the violence. It found that officials at local states looked ignorant to the violence, while central state officials sent mixed signals: they appeared to be enthusiastic to protect the rights of Ahmadiyah and Shi’a adherents to practice their faiths respectively; but at other times, the officials adopted compromising stance. This study argues that this discrepancy stems from different challenges that each tier of the state had to face. Local state officials were indifferent to the plight of the minority communities due to their kinship; and local affinities to fellow Sunni residents. In contrast, central state officials had to cater to more heterogeneous constituents, and hence they were not immune to pressures from various quarters, including from human right activists and international community. As result, central state officials were ambivalent in responding to the violence. This research is based on a seven-month fieldwork in Ahmadiyah and Shi’a communities, respectively in Kuningan regency, West Java province and in Sampang regency, East Java province in 2013. The data was gathered through ethnography and in-depth interview with relevant sources. [Kekerasan terhadap kaum minoritas Ahmadiyah and Syiah meningkat dalam pemerintahan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Studi ini mendiskusikan kesenjangan sikap aktor negara pusat dan lokal dalam menanggapi tindak kekerasan tersebut. Studi ini menemukan bahwa aktor negara di tingkat lokal terkesan tidak peduli dengan rentetan kekerasan tersebut, sementara aktor negara di tingkat pusat menunjukkan sikap yang ambivalen: di suatu waktu mereka terlihat antusias untuk melindungi hak-hak kaum minoritas untuk memeluk kepercayaan-nya masing-masing; di waktu yang lain mereka memperlihatkan sikap kompromistis terhadap pelaku kekerasan atas nama agama. Studi ini berargumen bahwa kesenjangan terjadi karena perbedaan tantangan sosial politik yang masing-masing harus dihadapi oleh aktor-aktor negara di kedua tingkatan yang berbeda tersebut. Aktor negara di tingkat lokal terkesan tidak peduli dengan nasib kaum minoritas karena mereka terpengaruh oleh keterikatan pertemanan atau kekerabatan dengan pelaku kekerasan, yang memiliki kepercayaan yang sama, yaitu Sunni, yang merupakan kepercayaan Islam yang mayoritas di daerah dimana kaum minoritas Ahmadiyah dan Syiah tinggal. Sebaliknya, aktor negara di tingkat pusat harus menghadapi konstituen yang lebih beragam dalam hal agama dan kepercayaan, dan juga dalam hal pemikiran sosial dan politik. Hal ini mengakibatkan aktor negara pusat mau tak mau harus menghadapi tekanan sosial dan politik dari berbagai pihak sehubungan dengan penanganan persoalan kaum minoritas, terutama dari pegiat hak asasi manusia dalam skala domestik maupun internasional. Akibatnya, aktor negara di tingkat pusat terkesan ambivalen dalam menanggapi maraknya kekerasan terhadap kaum minoritas di era Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, terutama kaum Ahmadiyah and Syiah. Studi ini berdasarkan kerja lapangan yang berlangsung selama tujuh bulan di tahun 2013, bertempat di pemukiman Ahmadiyah and Syiah di Kabupaten Kuningan, Jawa Barat dan Kabupaten Sampang, Jawa Timur. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan metode etnografi dan wawancara mendalam dengan sumber-sumber yang terkait dengan topik penelitian diatas.]

No abstract

Indonesia in the post-New Order era saw frequent incidents of religious violence. These began with bloody sectarian conflicts in the cities of Ambon and Poso, which pitted Muslims against Christians. During the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014), heresy campaigns against non-mainstream faiths (Ahmadiyah and Shi’a) increased, followed by attacks mainly levelled at properties belonging to members of these minority communities. Scholars have argued that Yudhoyono and his predecessors, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri, should be held responsible for this frequent violence. However, while the presidents’ ideological outlooks or personalities may have been contributing factors, this article will focus rather on the institutional factors that hindered their responses to the violence. At times, the presidents encouraged initiatives to promote the rights of minorities. However, these programmes faced constraints from other state institutions due to the bureaucracy and judiciary’s inclination to preserve majoritarian social order and the hegemonic interpretation of the Belief in One God article in the state’s foundational philosophical theory (Pancasila). These challenges were further compounded by a decline in presidential power in the post-New Order era. This article argues that, so long as these constraints exist, any Indonesian president will have difficulties overcoming violence against minority communities.