Disparities in burden from PM-emitting facilities exist at multiple geographic scales. Disparities for Blacks are more pronounced than are disparities on the basis of poverty status. Strictly socioeconomic considerations may be insufficient to reduce PM burdens equitably across populations.

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In 2009, flavored cigarettes (except menthol) were banned in the United States, but other flavored tobacco products (FTPs) were allowed. Women, populations of color, youth, sexual minority, and low-socioeconomic status populations disproportionately use FTPs. Localities have passed sales restrictions on FTPs that may reduce disparities if vulnerable populations are reached. This study assessed the extent to which FTP restrictions reached these subgroups ("reach equity"). We identified 189 U.S. jurisdictions with FTP policies as of December 31, 2018. We linked jurisdictions with demographics of race/ethnicity, gender, age, partnered same-sex households and household poverty, and stratified by policy strength. We calculated Reach Ratios (ReRas) to assess reach equity among subgroups covered by FTP policies relative to their U.S. population representation. Flavor policies covered 6.3% of the U.S. population (20 million individuals) across seven states; 0.9% were covered by strong policies (12.7% of policies). ReRas indicated favorable reach equity to young adults, women, Hispanics, African Americans, Asians, partnered same-sex households, and those living below poverty. Youth, American Indians/Alaska Natives 879928H PPXXX10.1177/1524839919879928Health Promotion PracticeRose et al. / SHORT TITLE research-article2019 Rose et al. / REACH EQUITY OF LOCAL FLAVOR POLICIES 45S(AIAN) and Native Hawaiians/Pacific Islanders (NHPI) were underrepresented. Strong policies had favorable reach equity to young adults, those living below poverty, Asians, NHPIs, individuals of 2+ races, and partnered same-sex households, but unfavorable reach equity to women, youth, Hispanic, AIAN, and African American populations. U.S. flavor policies have greater reach to many, but not all, subgroups at risk of FTP use. Increased enactment of strong policies to populations not covered by flavor policies is warranted to ensure at-risk subgroups sufficiently benefit.

Objectives. To investigate potential changes in burdens from coal-fired electricity-generating units (EGUcfs) that emit fine particulate matter (PM2.5, defined as matter with a nominal mean aerodynamic diameter of ≤ 2.5 µm) among racial/ethnic and economic groups after reduction of operations in 92 US EGUcfs. Methods. PM2.5 burdens calculated for EGUs listed in the 2008, 2011, and 2014 National Emissions Inventory were recalculated for 2017 after omitting emissions from 92 EGUcfs. The combined influence of race/ethnicity and poverty on burden estimates was characterized. Results. Omission of 92 EGUcfs decreased PM2.5 burdens attributable to EGUs by 8.6% for the entire population and to varying degrees for every population subgroup. Although the burden decreased across all subgroups, the decline was not equitable. After omission of the 92 EGUcfs, burdens were highest for the below-poverty and non-White subgroups. Proportional disparities between White and non-White subgroups increased. In our combined analysis, the burden was highest for the non-White–high-poverty subgroup. Conclusions. Our results indicate that subgroups living in poverty experience the greatest absolute burdens from EGUcfs. Changes as a result of EGUcf closures suggest a shift in burden from White to non-White subgroups. Policymakers could use burden analyses to jointly promote equity and reduce emissions.