Experienced blind subjects have previously demonstrated good echo perception of size and distance and some echo-discrimination of shapes and textures. In three experiments untrained sighted subjects also proved able to echo-detect and recognize three simple shapes and to recognize fabric and wooden but not carpet and Plexiglas discs at significantly above chance levels. Some improvement occurred over the first few trials but little thereafter, suggesting that this sort of echo perception requires very little training. A blind subject exhibited over-all accuracy comparable to those of sighted subjects. There were, however, interesting differences between the blind subject and the sighted subjects in echo perception of specific stimuli and in approach to the task.
The literature available about social definitions of corruption is surprisingly discrete from that which addresses the issue of "whistleblowing" or the reporting of crime and corruption. The current study, however, empirically links the two. A survey of more than 1300 public sector employees was undertaken to explore: i) how and why public sector employees define some behaviours as corrupt; ii) factors which may hinder public sector employees taking action about corruption which they may observe at work; and iii) the link between i) and ii). The study found that within the New South Wales (NSW) public sector, views about what constitutes corruption are diverse and that this has a significant, though not exclusive, impact upon the action respondents said they would take in response to workplace corruption. The study discusses other factors which also impact upon the stated decision not to take action about corruption and suggests some possible courses of action for addressing these factors.How do people decide whether an activity they witness is corrupt, and how does this relate to their willingness to take action about that conduct? There is very little published material which addresses these questions and examines the relationship between how people define corruption and how they respond to it. In order to explore this link, literature about defining corruption, workplace crime, public opinion definitions of corruption and possible responses to corruption including whistleblowing, need to be considered collectively.
Three experiments with musicians and nonmusicians (N=338) explored variations of Deutsch's musical scale illusion. Conditions under which the illusion occurs were elucidated and data obtained which supported Bregman's suggestion that auditory streaming results from a competition among alternative perceptual organizations. In Experiment 1, a series of studies showed that it is more difficult to induce the scale illusion than might be expected if it is accepted that an illusion will be present for most observers despite minor changes in stimuli and experimental conditions. The stimulus sequence seems better described as an ambiguous figure. Having discovered conditions under which the scale illusion could be reliably induced, Experiments 2 and 3 manipulated additional properties of the stimulus (timbre, loudness, and tune) to provide cues to streaming other than pitch and location. The data showed that streaming of this sequence can be altered by these properties, supporting the notion of a general parsing mechanism which follows general gestalt principles and allows streaming by many stimulus dimensions. Finally, suggestions are made as to how this mechanism might operate.listening to music provides an excellent context for exploring the phenomenon of auditory streaming. Bregman and Campbell (1971) described auditory streaming as the perceptual splitting of concurrent auditory events into separate streams or sequences. This must happen, for example, when listeningto an orchestra. The listener needs to decide which melodies are being played by what instruments, where the sounds originated, and how many instruments and melodies there are.Research on auditory streaming has focused on much simpler situations than listening to an orchestra. Bregman and Campbell, for instance, binaurally presented subjects with a rapid repetitive sequence of six different 100·msec pure tones, three high pitched and three low pitched, one and a half octaves apart. Although successive tones alternated from the high-to low-pitch range, subjects organized the high-and low-pitched sounds into separate auditory streams. Some subjects (59%) claimed that these two streams were successive (i.e., three high tones followed by three low tones, or vice versa); the remainder reported that the streams were concurrent. Neither of these percepts are veridical. Deutsch (1975b) found similar effects when she pre-
Illegal drug use by police officers is a concern in many jurisdictions. The Police Integrity Commission, an independent oversight agency in New South Wales, Australia, conducted a large-scale project on the use of illegal drugs by some NSW police officers. This project, codenamed Operation Abelia, sought to provide a better understanding of the nature of the problem of officer illegal drug use and to identify what can be done to minimise such illegal drug use. This paper outlines how research and investigations were combined to identify areas where further intervention is most likely to assist in minimising illegal drug use by officers. It also provides an overview of the Police Integrity Commission's nine-part strategy for strengthening the NSW Police Force's approach to minimising illegal drug use by its officers. The paper ends with examples of some of the policy, procedural and legislative changes that have resulted from this project.
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