Over the last ten years, Oosterhof and Todorov's valence-dominance model has emerged as the most prominent account of how people evaluate faces on social dimensions. In this model, two dimensions (valence and dominance) underpin social judgments of faces. Because this model has primarily been developed and tested in Western regions, it is unclear whether these findings apply to other regions. We addressed this question by replicating Oosterhof and Todorov's methodology across 11 world regions, 41 countries, and 11,570 participants. When we used Oosterhof and Todorov's original analysis strategy, the valence-dominance model generalized across regions. When we used an alternative methodology to allow for correlated dimensions we observed much less generalization. Collectively, these results suggest that, while the valence-dominance model generalizes very well across regions when dimensions are forced to be orthogonal, regional differences are revealed when we use different extraction methods, correlate and rotate the dimension reduction solution.

Researchers have warned that causal illusions are at the root of many superstitious beliefs and fuel many people’s faith in pseudoscience, thus generating significant suffering in modern society. Therefore, it is critical that we understand the mechanisms by which these illusions develop and persist. A vast amount of research in psychology has investigated these mechanisms, but little work has been done on the extent to which it is possible to debias individuals against causal illusions. We present an intervention in which a sample of adolescents was introduced to the concept of experimental control, focusing on the need to consider the base rate of the outcome variable in order to determine if a causal relationship exists. The effectiveness of the intervention was measured using a standard contingency learning task that involved fake medicines that typically produce causal illusions. Half of the participants performed the contingency learning task before participating in the educational intervention (the control group), and the other half performed the task after they had completed the intervention (the experimental group). The participants in the experimental group made more realistic causal judgments than did those in the control group, which served as a baseline. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first evidence-based educational intervention that could be easily implemented to reduce causal illusions and the many problems associated with them, such as superstitions and belief in pseudoscience.

Libet’s clock is a well-known procedure in experiments in psychology and neuroscience. Examples of its use include experiments exploring the subjective sense of agency, action-effect binding, and subjective timing of conscious decisions and perceptions. However, the technical details of the apparatus used to conduct these types of experiments are complex, and are rarely explained in sufficient detail as to guarantee an exact replication of the procedure. With this in mind, we developed Labclock Web, a web tool designed to conduct online and offline experiments using Libet’s clock. After describing its technical features, we explain how to configure specific experiments using this tool. Its degree of accuracy and precision in the presentation of stimuli has been technically validated, including the use of two cognitive experiments conducted with voluntary participants who performed the experiment both in our laboratory and via the Internet. Labclock Web is distributed without charge under a free software license (GPLv3) since one of our main objectives is to facilitate the replication of experiments and hence the advancement of knowledge in this area.

Research shows that people infer the time of their actions and decisions from their consequences. We asked how people know how much time to subtract from consequences in order to infer their actions and decisions. They could either subtract a fixed, default, time from consequences, or learn from experience how much time to subtract in each situation. In two experiments, participants' actions were followed by a tone, which was presented either immediately or after a delay. In Experiment 1, participants estimated the time of their actions; in Experiment 2, the time of their decisions to act. Both actions and decisions were judged to occur sooner or later as a function of whether consequences were immediate or delayed. Estimations tended to be shifted toward their consequences, but in some cases they were shifted away from them. Most importantly, in all cases participants learned progressively to adjust their estimations with experience.

People usually become faster at finding a visual target after repeated exposure to the same search display. This effect, known as contextual cueing, is often thought to rely on a highly efficient learning mechanism, relatively unconstrained by the availability of attentional resources. Consistent with this view, experimental evidence suggests that contextual cueing can be found even when participants are instructed to ignore the repeated visual context, although this learning remains latent until the context receives full attention. The present study explores the contribution of selective attention to contextual cueing in four high-powered preregistered experiments. None of them supported the hypothesis that latent learning can occur without selective attention. In general, our results suggest that selective attention to visual context plays an essential role in both the acquisition and the expression of contextual cueing.