The purpose of this article is to analyse the dynamics of the process of re-designation of ethnic Muslims as Bosniaks in Montenegro. Through a comparison with the analogous process in Serbia, certain specificities are indicated in the context of Montenegro. In line with the premises of the elite theory, we point to the divergent influence of the socially engaged members of the Slavic Muslim cultural corpus in Montenegro on the process of ethnic self-identification of Slavic Muslims in the country. The willingness of a part of this corpus to adhere to the views of the elite part of the population that opposed the ethnonym “Bosniak,” and insisted on retaining the ethnic designation “Muslim,” is interpreted through the lens of social constructivism. The article indicates the formation of the socio-political constructs of “Montenegrin” and “Muslim” that occurred in the last decade of the twentieth century. These two constructs are interlinked; the former is superior as it has ethnic and ethical-political semantic layers, while the latter is subordinate, and it partially stems from the positive sentiment of Slavic Muslims towards Montenegro as the country they inhabit. The relationship between these constructs interferes with the process of accepting national Bosniakhood in a part of the Muslim population in Montenegro. A comparison of the results from the last two population censuses in Montenegro indicates a trend of acceptance of the ethnonym “Bosniak” among the Slavic Muslim population in Montenegro. However, given the slow dynamics of the process, affected by the continuous exposure to factors that increase its complexity, national divergence of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro will most likely prevail.

The relationship between religion(s) and politics, i.e., religious communities and political authorities, in Montenegro has varied and taken different forms throughout the country’s history. Available research, mostly historical in nature, is predominantly factual and does not provide a clear picture of the nature and forms of this relationship in Montenegro’s history. Through an analysis of legal–historical sources and relevant literature, this paper aims to indicate the complexity of the relationship between politics and religion through the identification and analysis of the different forms of the aforementioned relationship. The fact that Montenegro had pronounced features of a theocracy at the beginning of the creation of the state makes this context specific not only to the Balkan region, but also beyond. The concept of state religion and the period dominated by features of Caesaropapism was replaced by a period of modernisation of the state that gave rise to a separation of political and religious elements. The period of authoritarian socialism, in turn, led to the ideological suppression of religion. The early phases of democratisation in the last decade of the 20th century induced further change in the nature of the relationship between political authorities and religious communities, which continued in the new context of civic and multicultural Montenegro.

Postkomunistička tranziciona društva suočavaju se sa potrebom oblikovanja novih političkih identiteta u procesu izgradnje države i nacije i to u složenim unutrašnjim okolnostima. S obzirom da je proces izgradnje političkog identiteta nacionalno-državne zajednice jedan od najznačajnijih za njen opstanak i funkcionisanje, postavlja se pitanje: kakvog je oblika faktički politički identitet postreferendumske Crne Gore, naročito u dihotomiji građansko/nacionalno. Na temelju jedne od definicija građanskog političkog identiteta, naglašava se ustavno određenje Crne Gore kao građanske države. Istovremeno, uvažavajući veliki značaj koji u procesu oblikovanja Crne Gore kao građanske nacionalne zajednice imaju političke partije, sagledavaju se različite pozicije koje ove partije zauzimaju u navedenom procesu. Identitetske pozicije partija su predstavljene u odnosu na dvije problemske ose: ustavno-pravnu i identitetsku u užem smislu. Ukazuje se da su u postreferendumskom periodu, u odnosu na identitetska pitanja, političke partije grupisane gotovo identično kao što su, u predreferendumskom periodu, bile grupisane oko pitanja državno-pravnog statusa, te se u zaključku konstatuje blokovska podijeljenost u Crnoj Gori povodom identitetske problematike, kao i male mogućnosti da se identitetske polemike u skorijoj budućnost riješe konsenzusom.

Contemporary societies exist in the conditions of globalization, which profoundly‎ transforms them in different dimensions. Technological progress enabled‎ the significant changes in the identity dimension. This has, inter alia,‎ resulted in new opportunities for preserving identification with the country of‎ origin, increased interest in the diaspora concept in the politological and sociological‎ thought and caused new approaches and activities by the states in‎ improving relations with their diasporic communities. The former republics‎ of the SFRY, which have been making progress in building legal and institutional‎ capacities for cooperation with diasporas, are no exception. Generally,‎ all of these countries have very numerous and diverse diasporas, which have‎ usually been emerging in a long period of time. This paper analyzes the policies‎ of the states, created by the break-up of the SFRY, towards their diasporas.‎ The policies of these states are specific and they differ from one another,‎ both in defining diaspora and in legal and institutional solutions that should‎ improve diaspora’s link with the country of origin. However, the Republic of‎ Slovenia, the Republic of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of‎ Serbia, Montenegro and the Republic of North Macedonia, have some common‎ elements as well.‎

The process of converting individuals to a particular religious community is one of the issues addressed by the Sociology of Religion. In the post-socialist Montenegrin society, there have been research works related to dominant religious communities, the Orthodox, the Roman Catholic, and the Islamic, while science has shown no interest in small religious groups. The Adventist movement in Montenegro, although present for a long period of time, has failed to mobilise individuals for conversion to a greater extent. Therefore, this research aims to find out when, under what conditions and in what way the individuals in Montenegro, as a post-socialist state, chose Adventism as religious affiliation, what affected this process the most, and were there any specificities in that regard. This paper is a result of a survey conducted via an in-depth interview with 17 believers of the Adventist Church. The obtained results indicate several valuable data: most respondents accepted the Adventist movement in Montenegro in the early 1990s; they got first-hand knowledge of this religion from their friends or wider family members and relatives, a consistent interpretation of the Holy Bible is the main reason for conversion. A significant factor in the process of conversion to Adventism is early religious socialisation within a family.