The purpose of this article is to analyse the dynamics of the process of re-designation of ethnic Muslims as Bosniaks in Montenegro. Through a comparison with the analogous process in Serbia, certain specificities are indicated in the context of Montenegro. In line with the premises of the elite theory, we point to the divergent influence of the socially engaged members of the Slavic Muslim cultural corpus in Montenegro on the process of ethnic self-identification of Slavic Muslims in the country. The willingness of a part of this corpus to adhere to the views of the elite part of the population that opposed the ethnonym “Bosniak,” and insisted on retaining the ethnic designation “Muslim,” is interpreted through the lens of social constructivism. The article indicates the formation of the socio-political constructs of “Montenegrin” and “Muslim” that occurred in the last decade of the twentieth century. These two constructs are interlinked; the former is superior as it has ethnic and ethical-political semantic layers, while the latter is subordinate, and it partially stems from the positive sentiment of Slavic Muslims towards Montenegro as the country they inhabit. The relationship between these constructs interferes with the process of accepting national Bosniakhood in a part of the Muslim population in Montenegro. A comparison of the results from the last two population censuses in Montenegro indicates a trend of acceptance of the ethnonym “Bosniak” among the Slavic Muslim population in Montenegro. However, given the slow dynamics of the process, affected by the continuous exposure to factors that increase its complexity, national divergence of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro will most likely prevail.

Postkomunistička tranziciona društva suočavaju se sa potrebom oblikovanja novih političkih identiteta u procesu izgradnje države i nacije i to u složenim unutrašnjim okolnostima. S obzirom da je proces izgradnje političkog identiteta nacionalno-državne zajednice jedan od najznačajnijih za njen opstanak i funkcionisanje, postavlja se pitanje: kakvog je oblika faktički politički identitet postreferendumske Crne Gore, naročito u dihotomiji građansko/nacionalno. Na temelju jedne od definicija građanskog političkog identiteta, naglašava se ustavno određenje Crne Gore kao građanske države. Istovremeno, uvažavajući veliki značaj koji u procesu oblikovanja Crne Gore kao građanske nacionalne zajednice imaju političke partije, sagledavaju se različite pozicije koje ove partije zauzimaju u navedenom procesu. Identitetske pozicije partija su predstavljene u odnosu na dvije problemske ose: ustavno-pravnu i identitetsku u užem smislu. Ukazuje se da su u postreferendumskom periodu, u odnosu na identitetska pitanja, političke partije grupisane gotovo identično kao što su, u predreferendumskom periodu, bile grupisane oko pitanja državno-pravnog statusa, te se u zaključku konstatuje blokovska podijeljenost u Crnoj Gori povodom identitetske problematike, kao i male mogućnosti da se identitetske polemike u skorijoj budućnost riješe konsenzusom.

Socijalnim modelom u psihijatriji prepoznata je socijalno-genetska osovina etiologije duševnih poremećaja.Istraživanja na Zapadu uglavnom pokazuju da poremećaji iz psihotične i depresivne kategorije zahvaćaju pripadnike nižih socijalno-ekonomskih stratuma. Da bi se opisao socio-ekonomski status psihijatrijskih pacijenata u crnogorskom društvu, kao tranzicijskom, te da bi se ukazalo na socijalno-etiološku osovinu geneze duševnih poremećaja u navedenom društvenom kontekstu, pristupljeno je istraživanju s kvazieksperimentalnim dizajnom. Kontrolni dio uzorka čine sudionici u istraživanju kod kojih nije dijagnosticiran duševni poremećaj, dok se eksperimentalni dio uzorka sasoji od pojedinaca kod kojih je dijagnosticiran psihotični ili depresivni poremećaj. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na tijesnu prepletenost socijalne i psihijatrijske problematike u crnogorskom društvu: psihijatrijski pacijenti dolaze iz porodica slabijeg socijalno-ekonomskog statusa, a i sami su opterećeni nizom socio-ekonomskih problema poput onih stambene prirode. Uvažavajući teorijske i praktične spoznaje socijalnog modela u psihijatriji, a s obzirom na rezultate istraživanja, na incidenciju i prevalenciju duševnih poremećaja u jednom tranzicijskom društvu moglo bi se utjecati intervencijama u području socijalne politike./ In psychiatry, the social model recognises the socio-genetic axis of the etiology of mental disorders. Research conducted in the western countries generally indicates that disorders within the range of psychotic and depressive categories affect members of the lower socioeconomic strata. For the needs of this paper, a quasi-experimental research was conducted in order to describe the socioeconomic status of psychiatric patients in Montenegrin society, which can be categorised as transitional, and to underline the socio-etiological axis of the genesis of mental disorders in the aforementioned social context. The control sample consisted of research participants who have not been diagnosed with a mental disorder, whereas the experimental sample consisted of individuals who have been diagnosed with a psychotic or depressive disorder. The results of the study indicate the intertwined nature of social and psychiatric issues within Montenegrin society: psychiatric patients were from families of a lower socioeconomic status, and burdened with a number of socioeconomic issues, such as those of a residential character. Taking into consideration both theoretical and practical knowledge brought about by the social model in psychiatry together with the results of our study, it is our conclusion that the incidence and prevalence of mental disorders in a transitional society could be influenced by interventions in the field of social policy.

National fragmentation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region into Bosniaks and national Muslims was recorded in the last two population censuses in Montenegro, with minor differences in the two sets of results. Therefore, the following question emerges: what are the social and political factors, prevalent in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region, that drive national self-identification of Slavic Muslims in this region either towards Bosniakism (national Bosniaks) or national Muslimhood (national Muslims). In the Montenegrin sociopolitical discourse in the relevant period, the social constructs “Bosniak” and “Muslim” have been shaped so that the first ethnonym implies stronger national ties and the tendency to complete one’s national identity through identification with Slavic Muslims outside of Montenegro, while the second ethnonym is closer to Montenegrin state patriotism and the intra-Montenegrin state framework. Empirical material from relevant censuses shows that the tendency of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro to embrace national Bosniakism is not driven by actions of political elites, the proximity and influence of Bosnia, or the ethnic/pre-Islamic origin of this part of the Montenegrin population, but rather by the homogeneity of the population at the municipal level: national Bosniakism is more pronounced in confessionally homogeneous Muslim communities than in those municipalities where Slavic Muslims and Christians live side by side. This finding is interpreted from the perspective of symbolic interactionism: in the confessionally heterogeneous Montenegrin-Sandžak municipalities, we have witnessed self-censorship of Slavic Muslims in terms of their national self-designation, as a result of the need to preserve the positive perceptions held by their Christian fellow citizens. In confessionally homogeneous Muslim municipalities, this factor did not have a major impact, resulting in a significantly large-scale acceptance of national Bosniakism than in those local administrations in the Montenegrin part of the Sandžak region where Slavic Muslims live with the Christian population.