No abstract

Forensic psychiatrists are often sought by the court of law to provide professional opinion on specific legal matters that have a major impact on the evaluee and possibly society at large. The quality of that opinion and recommendations rely on the quality of the analysis from the assessment results conducted by the psychiatrist. However, the definition and scope of a forensic psychiatric analysis is not clear. While existing literature on forensic psychiatric analysis generally includes organizing information, identifying relevant details, and formulating a set of forensic psychiatric opinions as components, there is no explicit and unified definition of these terms and process. This lack of clarity and guidelines may hinder forensic psychiatry from achieving its goal of providing objective information to the court or other relevant parties. Forensic psychiatric analysis exhibits numerous parallels to clinical reasoning in other fields of medicine. Therefore, this review aims to elaborate forensic psychiatric analysis through the lens of clinical reasoning, which has been developed by incorporating advances in cognitive sciences. We describe forensic psychiatric analysis through three prominent clinical reasoning theories: hypothetico-deductive model, illness script theory, and dual process theory. We expand those theories to elucidate how forensic psychiatrists use clinical reasoning not only to diagnose mental disorders, but also to determine mental capacities as requested by law. Cognitive biases are also described as potential threat to the accuracy of the assessment and analysis. Additionally, situated cognition theory helps elucidate how contextual factors influence risk of errors. Understanding the processes involved in forensic psychiatric analysis and their pitfalls can assist forensic psychiatrists to be aware of and try to mitigate their bias. Debiasing strategies that have been implemented in other fields of medicine to mitigate errors in clinical reasoning can be adapted for forensic psychiatry. This may also shape the training program of general psychiatrists and forensic psychiatrists alike.

Up to the current time, psychology has provided very limited space for qualitative research to contribute to the discipline, even though psychology has a lot to do with subjectivity and intersubjectivity in its work. This article discusses autoethnography, which by some qualitative researchers is still being debated. The author argues that autoethnography contains strong narrative components or analysis with potential contribution to provide new understanding and to build knowledge. The article discusses criticisms against autoethnography, followed by its distinctive characteristics, which at the same time bring significant potential power. Clear guidelines and steps are needed to minimize biases and to bring about the potential power of autoethnography, and this article aims to address the issues through discussions on intersubjectivity, reflexivity, and ethics. At the end, it might be concluded that autoethnography is a method to investigate not merely the researchers, but to reveal certain phenomena and issues. Autoethnography is one good alternative among other methods that can contribute to developing understanding and knowledge through the construction of substantive theories about a particular issue.

Sexual violence against women, particularly in the form of rape, is a serious issue that must be addressed in Indonesia. However, victims of sexual violence are not enveloped by a supportive atmosphere due to the pervasive acceptance of rape myths in society. This study examined the role of ambivalent sexism and sexual objectification of women in predicting the acceptance of rape myths among male college students in Greater Jakarta, Indonesia. A sample of 275 male college students completed the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale-Short Form, Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, and Women Are Sexual Objects subscale from the Attitude Toward Dating and Relationship Measure Revised. The results of multiple regression analysis showed that ambivalent sexism and sexual objectification of women significantly predicted rape myth acceptance, with sexual objectification of women tends to have more contribution. This finding explains that to develop and conduct prevention and treatment, both variables need to be addressed, with more attention given to the sexual objectification of women.

This paper describes the development of a set of measures of women's psychological well-being in Indonesia, identifies meaningful clusters of women based on the well-being measures, and explores the sociodemographic factors associated with these well-being clusters. This is the first published study to measure psychological well-being among a large sample of Indonesians and the first to focus on women in that country. Rather than use standard measures of psychological well-being developed in Western nations and untested among Asian women, focus groups were conducted to develop an understanding of Indonesian women's perceptions of their own well-being. The focus group findings were used to develop 41 questionnaire items to measure psychological well-being, and the questionnaire was administered to 796 women in Sumatra and Lampung. Factor analysis reduced the well-being variables into five factors accounting for 45% of the total variance: (1) general negative feelings; (2) satisfaction with relationships and ability to control fertility; (3) satisfaction with economic, family and personal conditions; (4) negative feelings regarding marital and domestic issues; and (5) ability to pursue activities outside the home. We constructed five scales based on these factors. Based on their scores on these scales, women grouped into three clusters differentiated by their scores on four of the five scales. Low levels of psychological well-being were associated in bivariate analyses with: (1) rural residence; (2) young age (under age 30); (3) marriage before age 20; (4) low socioeconomic status; and (5) lower educational attainment.