This study was based on the 1999 General Social Survey, a national Canadian survey of criminal victimization involving about 26,000 individuals, 15 years of age and over. More than half of all respondents (57.8%) reported experiencing at least one criminal incident during their life span. More than one in eight (13.5%) were victimized more than once and these repeat victims experienced over half (54%) of all offences. Less than 5% of the sample was victimized three times or more, although these individuals experienced nearly a quarter of all offences reported by the respondents. Logistic regression analyses, relating to violent, property, and all offences, revealed that the variables that best predicted victimization and repeat victimization were age, province of residence, and education, while gender, ethnicity, country of birth, urban residence, and routine activities were less consistent in their ability to predict victimization as a whole or repeat victimization. Taken together, the predictors achieved modest success in predicting membership in the victim and non-victim groups. The study concluded that the concentration of victimization warranted victim-based preventive measures, with the qualification that nearly half of all victimizations were not experienced by repeat but, rather, single-incident victims. It was also recommended that special attention be accorded in the future to understanding the relatively low level of lifetime victimization of persons 65 years of age and over, the elevated risk faced by residents of British Columbia, and the risks of violence faced by Aboriginal Canadians. The study concludes with a call for the use of alternative methodologies to study victimization and for the validation of the General Social Survey through a smaller number of face-to-face interviews in order to ascertain the role played by recall and disclosure issues in victimization surveys involving telephone interviews.

L'immigration latina-américaine au Canada n'a atteint un niveauappréciable que récemment et ce n'est que maintenant qu'elle fait l'objet d'étude sérieuse. L'auteur y repère quatre <> chronologiques à la fois distinctes et chevauchantes. La vague «de tête», rendue possible par la loi sur l'immigration de 1952, amena des immigrants hautement qualifiés, souvent d'origine européenne. La seconde vague, au début des années soixante-dix, à la faveur de l'expansion industrielle en Ontario et des politiques d'immigration moins restrictives, attira des travailleurs qualifiés et non qualifiés, surtout d'Équateur et de Colombie. La troisième vague, celle des «coups», entraîna à partir de 1973 un grand nombre de réfugiés politiques du Chili et d'autres pays du «Cône Sud». Enfin, depuis 1980, les conflits armés et la crise en Amérique centrale ont alimenté un afflux constant de réfugiés de cette région, particulièrement du Salvador.

Using correspondence analysis, we look at age-education cohorts of male immigrants who arrived in Canada between 1945 and 1961 and compare them to similar age-education groups of Canadian-born males in order to examine shifts in employment patterns across four census periods. We find that immigrants with low levels of schooling consistently had higher rates of self-employment than similar groups of Canadian-born males, and the longer they stayed in Canada, the more likely they were to become self-employed. We posit that the pursuit of self-employment may be tied to the existence of a segmented labor market, particularly for immigrants with low and moderate levels of schooling.Recently, in Canada, the area of self-employment has received increased attention both politically and in the media. Parliamentarians, for example, speak about unleashing the power of the entrepreneur or the importance of small business to economic prosperity. In the case of immigration, this interest is carried through to a policy level because the Immigration Act places special status on self-employment through the immigrant entrepreneur program which is touted as a means to increase investment in Canada and bolster the number of independent businesses. This link between self-employment and immigration, however, goes far beyond the confines of the immigrant entrepreneurship program. This is because immigrants in general have been both more likely to be active in the labor force and more likely to be self-employed than for Canadian-born workers (

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