HighlightsThere is a general lack of psychometric assessments on existing ageism scales.None of the available ageism scales have both adequate scope and psychometric validity.Current estimates of ageism incidence and prevalence may not be accurate.

Cross-national studies in Europe reveal sharp regional differences in the prevalence of loneliness among older adults, with the highest prevalence of loneliness in Eastern European countries. In this study, we investigate an alternative explanation for differences in loneliness prevalence based on differences in trust. Many of the Eastern European countries were ruled by totalitarian regimes that undermined people’s trust in other people and in the system, potentially leading to higher loneliness prevalence. Data are derived from the sixth round of the European Social Survey conducted in 2012, based on 12,042 respondents, of which 4827 live in post-totalitarian countries and 7215 in other European countries and Israel. We estimate a path model with trust in people, trust in the system, and social engagement included as latent variables and one dichotomous outcome (lonely or not). We control for age, gender, health limitations, marital status, income adequacy, and education. The results reveal that loneliness is partly constructed by the social–cultural and historical–political characteristics of the countries in which people live. The higher prevalence of loneliness in the Eastern-European post-totalitarian countries can be linked to a low level of trust in other people through social disengagement. Considering the role of trust in the creation of individuals feelings of loneliness contributes to the understanding of country variations in loneliness and opens a new perspective in loneliness research and the development of policies aimed at reducing loneliness.

The links between loneliness and overall morbidity and mortality are well known, and this has profound implications for quality of life and health and welfare budgets. Most studies have been cross-sectional allowing for conclusions on correlates of loneliness, but more recently, some longitudinal studies have revealed also micro-level predictors of loneliness. Since the majority of studies focused on one country, conclusions on macro-level drivers of loneliness are scarce. This chapter examines the impact of micro- and macro-level drivers of loneliness and loneliness change in 11 European countries. The chapter draws on longitudinal data from 2013 and 2015 from the Survey of Health, Aging, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE), combined with macro-level data from additional sources. The multivariable analysis revealed the persistence of loneliness over time, which is a challenge for service providers and policy makers. Based on this cross-national and longitudinal study we observed that micro-level drivers known from previous research (such as gender, health and partnership status, frequency of contact with children), and changes therein had more impact on loneliness and change therein than macro-level drivers such as risk of poverty, risk of social deprivation, level of safety in the neighbourhood.

Dominant aging identity theories ("mask of ageing", "social mask", M. Foucault's "disembodiment thesis", gerotranscendental theory) as well as the concept of the postmodern reflexive self of A. Giddens cannot be used to effectively explain old age identity in contemporary Lithuania. More suitable for this purpose is E. Goffman's concept of stigma that explains denial, evasion and marginalization of old age. These are the conclusions of a qualitative piece of research -involving in-depth interviews with elderly people -that was designed to examine the ways in which old age identity is created and aging is experienced by older people, as well as to ascertain whether the elderly experience stigmatization in everyday interactions. The data were collected from October 2010 -January 2011 in Vilnius (N=24): the selection of informants was targeted by gender, age group (60-74 and 75-89), level of education (primary, secondary, higher), and household type (households of several generations, single-generation and institutional households). To interpret the data, the method of abduction or inference to the best explanation (Harman, 1965) was used.

This paper focuses on childless women reflections of their current status. During the qualitative research (2017–2018), 44 interviews have been completed with 28–71 year old women without children. Based on the positioning theory (Harré et al. 2009; Allen, Wiles 2013), the paper reveals how childlessness is being positioned on different levels: personal, interpersonal and cultural. The individualistic values – freedom from the burden, taking care of oneself, recognizing responsibility to raise children – were revealed on the personal level. On the interpersonal level, women of reproductive age expressed positions that were agreed upon with their partners or stated how difficult it is to reach the agreement. Meanwhile, the narratives of women from older generations reveal inert life scenarios. The cultural norms to have children in marriage had a strong influence on both women groups, who were in their reproductive age and who have finished their reproductive career.