Currently, measurement of media literacy outcomes is a challenge for media literacy researchers. This results from a lack of clarity among academics about what media literacy means. A process of measurement is multistage, and requires of researchers, for example, a definition of the measurement's area and a definition of assessing competencies, specifying their proficiency levels and performance criteria. Moreover, successful measurement of media literacy depends on appropriate selection methods and tools of measurement. Most of them are of a quantitative and self‐assessment nature (carried out in small groups of respondents), which does not provide for accurate measurement of media literacy outcomes.

<p>The purpose of the study was to determine the level of knowledge and attitudes towards surveillance capitalism and online institutional privacy protection practices among adolescents in Poland (aged 18–19), as well as to determine the relationships between these variables. Surveillance capitalism has emerged as a result of internet users’ activities and involves the collection of all data about these users by different entities for specific benefits without letting them know about it. The dominant role in surveillance capitalism is played by hi-tech corporations. The aim of the study was to verify whether knowledge, and what kind of knowledge, on surveillance capitalism translates into practices related to the protection of online institutional privacy. The study was conducted on a sample of 177 adolescents in Poland. The main part of the questionnaire consisted of two scales: the scale of knowledge and attitudes on surveillance capitalism, and the scale of online institutional privacy protection practices. The results of the study, calculated by statistical methods, showed that although the majority of respondents had average knowledge and attitudes about surveillance capitalism, which may result from insufficient knowledge of the subject matter, this participation in specialized activities/workshops influences the level of intensification of online institutional privacy protection practices.</p>

As described in the editorial of this special issue, each country has its own historical tradition and approach to media literacy. How would you describe the Polish approach?

This article discusses the results of verbal framing analysis of the conflict in news published on Telegram channels by the Russian news agency RIA Novosti (RIAN) and the Ukrainian news agency (UNIAN) during the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The analysis, using the text mining method, shows differences between how a more authoritarian and more competitive regime uses social media to construct strategic narratives. RIAN benefits from a technical frame that has not changed throughout the war although the reality on the ground has been evolving dramatically. It focuses on military issues and international rivalry (e.g. sanctions) because the Kremlin focuses on it. UNIAN, on the other hand, uses the moralizing frame of conflict which is more flexible and has been developed in response to changes on the ground – from discussions about the possibility of the invasion to humanitarian tragedy to war crimes, and to creating a more essentialized image of the enemy (‘rashists’).

The development of media literacy in Poland is closely related to the sociopolitical changes taking place in this country. During the communist regime, the activities related to media literacy were limited to the educational role of television and treatment of media as tools for optimizing knowledge in the teaching process. With the fall of communism in 1989 and the ensuing reforms of the state, different milieus (academics, teachers, social activists, government officials) began increasingly to perceive the need for media literacy, but the lack of appropriate legal regulations prevented the creation of a coherent policy. Only after Poland's accession to the EU and financial support, media literacy gained momentum and took the form of cross‐sectoral activity.