Sistem politik Indonesia yang telah mengalami pelbagai perubahan sejak runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru di bawah Soeharto menunjukkan terjadi pergeseran kekuasaan dari pemerintah pusat ke masing-masing daerah. Pergeseran ini membuka peluang bagi kelompok etnik untuk memainkan peran dalam merebut kekuasaan tersebut. Beberapa peristiwa perebutan kekuasaan yang mengandalkan sentimen etnik terjadi di banyak tempat. Pertanyaan pentingnya apakah pergeseran kekuasaan dengan mengandalkan sentimen etnis juga terjadi di Kota Jambi?Penelitian ini memberi catatan bahwa tidak selalu sentiment primordial bisa diandalkan untuk memperoleh dukungan politik seperti yang dijelaskan dalam teori Jame S Scout seperti terlihat di bawah. Sentimen primordial bekerja di daerah tertentu, tapi tidak bekerja di daerah yang lain. Struktur masyarakat Kota Jambi yang sangat heterogen memberi peluang hilangnya sekat-sekat sosiologis yang membuat satu etnis berjarak dengan etnis yang lain. Di Jambi, persoalan asimilasi etnisisitas sudah berjalan cukup Panjang, bahkan sepanjang sejarah berdirinya Jambi seperti yang terungkap dalam BAB II.Hasil penelitian ini juga memberikan penjelasan bahwa demokrasi yang tidak menjadikan sentimen primordial berdasarkan etnis sebagai sumber dukungan, bisa menunjukkan kualitas demokrasi yang lebih terbuka dan aman. Hampir tidak ada konflik berarti yang menimbulkan keributan besar yang mengiringi hajatan pemilihan Walikota Jambi tahun 2013 lalu.

The divide et impera political strategy worked effectively and was used by the Dutch to colonize Indonesia. This divide and conquer strategy has destroyed the solidity and strength of the Indonesian nation, so that it was scattered in a civil war. However, entering the 20th century, the divisive politics played by the Dutch began to be less relevant to work, so the Dutch had to give up and leave Indonesia in 1942. How the Dutch's divisive politics worked became the focus of this research. Then, how is the connection and relevance with the religious polarization that is currently sweeping the Indonesian nation to be a topic that is also discussed. This study uses a qualitative approach by examining various literature such as journals, books, documents and news information in the mass media. the political phenomenon after the 2019 presidential election that occurred in Indonesia with divisive politics in the Dutch style and there are those who benefit if there are two parties fighting with the intention of controlling the resources in Indonesia. This research finds facts, the success of the divisive politics carried out by the Dutch to colonize Indonesia for hundreds of years, including the economic dependence of the elite group in Indonesia on the Dutch; political and economic stability in the Netherlands. While the factors of failure, among others, the economic crisis experienced by the Netherlands; There was no longer the dependency of the Indonesian elite on the Dutch. The relevance to the current religious polarization is that the divide et impera politics can still work and can destroy the unity of the Indonesian nation if the conditions for its success are met.

Primordial loyalty that breeds fanaticism is often used by politicians as a shortcut and easy way to gather support. By using primordial interests, politicians do not need to work hard to gain support from the people. This research seeks to explain why Jambi Malay ethnic loyalty, as the dominant group, was not formed in relation to the Mayor Election in Jambi City. What are the factors that cause Malay ethnic sentiment not to appear. The data in this study were obtained through in-depth interviews, documentation, and news in the mass media. It is possible for the results of this study to be replicated in areas outside Jambi City to see whether the ethnic Malays elsewhere also have the same cultural roots, political attitudes, and habits, or vice versa. The results of this study will provide an explanation of the theoretical implications of the political events that occurred in the city of Jambi. The results of this study can be used to predict the future of Malay ethnic politics in the midst of an electoral democratic political system that is taking place in Indonesia.

This article investigates a legal politics in Tunisia and Indonesia focuses the fate of the presidential decree in Tunisia in the dissolution of Parliament context. Did it succeed or fail? This analysis is obtained through a comparative study of the same pattern in Indonesia, namely the presidential decree during the Soekarno leadership and Abdurrahman Wahid or Gus Dur. The data is obtained through literature studies such as scientific books and journals. Researchers also construct the data through online media studies both at domestic and abroad. The results of this study illustrate how the pattern of the Presidential decree in Tunisia on July 27th, 2021. It has similarities with the presidential decree that occurred during the Soekarno Presidential era on July 5th, 1959. Military forces fully supported the decree that led to the dissolution of Parliament. Unlike Gus Dur, who stepped down from his post after issuing a decree. Kais Saied's decree in Tunisia is predicted to be a success and perpetuate his reign as President.

The Nahdlatul Ulama Party is one of the Islamic parties that became a loyalist party to President Soekarno during the implementation of guided democracy. This is because the political strategy used by the NU Party is a realistic political strategy and tends to be accommodating and cooperative in dealing with President Soekarno’s new political situation, namely guided democracy. So that after the NU Party decided to accept guided democracy, the return of the 1945 Constitution, and the Nasakom and Manipol-Usdek, the NU party supported the leadership of President Soekarno, one of its supports was the awarding of a charter with the title waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah from Nahdlatul Ulama to President Soekarno. This paper aims to reveal the waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah title charter as moral support from the Nahdlatul Ulama Party to the leadership of President Soekarno during the guided democracy. The method used in this study is the historical method, while the approach used is the hermeneutic theory of Paul Ricoeur. The results of the study show that the waliyul amri adh-dharuri bi syaukah charter is a form of moral support from the Nahdlatul Ulama Party for the leadership of President Soekarno, so it has legitimized that the government led by President Soekarno himself is a legitimate government according to the eyes of fiqh law. This charter is also the basis for acceptance and support from the NU Party for President Soekarno and his guided democracy.