Consistent individual differences in response to a number of different self-attribution paradigms have been observed recently, but consistencies across these paradigms have not previously been studied. Such consistencies across paradigms, if observed, would support the assumption that the same kinds of processes are involved in different self-attribution tasks, and that the same underlying differences among individuals produce the varying performances on different tasks.The previous observations of individual differences are all explained in very similar ways. For instance, Schachter (1971) argues that the differences in the eating behavior of obese and normal weight individuals reflects the fact that obese individuals, unlike normals, do not use intemal cues from the stomach in identifying themselves as hungry. Similarly, Schachter and Latane (1964) have argued that sociopaths are able to commit illegal and immoral acts because they do not feel intense emotions, e.g., fear, because they are not normally responsive to their variations in visceral arousal, which mediate the intensity of experience of emotions. In both instances, the difference between individuals is presumed to lie in the degree to which they employ intemal cues as criteria or evidence for attributions of their own motivational or emotional state. A similar explanation was proposed by Laird and Crosby (1974) to explain differences in the extent to which individuals attribute to themselves emotions of different qualities (e.g., the difference between anger and joy) from variations in their expressive behavior. Laird and Berglas (1975) suggest that a similar difference in cue use affects the degree to which individuals change their attitudes in a forced-compliance paradigm. They suggest that the dimension of difference is better conceived as between "self-produced" versus "situational" cues. Self-produced cues include activities of the viscera and of the skeletal muscles in

Both positive and reverse placebo effects have been observed frequently but not consistently in the past. Based on a self-perception analysis of placebo responses, it was predicted that positive placebo effects would occur in individuals whose self-perceptions tended to be based on situational rather than self-produced information, whereas reverse placebo effects would be expected in subjects more responsive to self-produced cues. Subjects were designated self-produced cue responders if their reports of emotional state were affected by manipulation of their facial expressions and situational cue responders if they were unaffected by expression manipulations. As predicted, the situational cue group was less afraid of snakes and electric shocks when given a placebo described as a relaxer and more afraid when given an arouser placebo. Subjects more responsive to self-produced cues showed the reverse placebo effect and were more afraid when given a relaxer placebo and less afraid when given an arouser.There is no doubt that patients often obtain relief from substances or procedures that are actually inert but are described as potent or effective medicine, that is, placebos. Placebos are probably as much a part of successful medical treatment as many pharmaceutically active drugs, particularly in the treatment of pain and affective disorders (Beecher, 1955;Dinnerstein, Lowenthal, & Blitz, 1966; Lowinger & Dobie, J969).Placebos may be especially useful as substitutes for drugs whose negative side effects outweigh potential benefits or in cases in which a drug's potential benefit does not exceed that of a placebo. For example, in some instances placebos may be substituted for narcotic agents when treating pain or anxiety, thus minimizing the possibility of addiction. In addition, placebos may be prescribed when no generally effective medicine exists. Thus, there is growing recognition that for many

This study examined the inclusion of a cultural component in an assertiveness training program. Participants (n = 40) were low income Puerto Rican women. There were four training groups divided up according to educational level. In addition, there was a no-training group consisting of Puerto Rican women who did not receive assertiveness training. Ten sessions of an hour and a half each were conducted over a period of 10 weeks. The training program was evaluated using a translation of the Adult Self-Expression Scale (Gay, Hollandsworth, & Galassi, 1975) as a pre/post program measuie of assertiveness; evaluation forms completed by recipients at the close of each session were also used for evaluation purposes. Assertiveness scores of the training group were significantly higher than those of the no-training group. In addition, this effect was true regardless of level of education. Sessionby-session evaluation forms suggested that cultural context may be an important mediator of assertive behavior. Limitations of the study are discussed, and it is recommended that future research examine the role of cultural factors in assertiveness training.During the past decade, assertiveness training for women has become a recognized step toward the building o f self-esteem, self-awareness, and self-

This study examined the effects of discrimination training on improving reading skills for young adults. 90 college students (M age = 26.2 yr.), who were identified as low achievers with below average reading skills, were randomly assigned to one of three training conditions: the General Discrimination Group, the Reading Discrimination Group, and the Study Skills Group. Following 10 days of training, the subjects were tested on a standard reading achievement test, a problem-solving test, and a measure of cognitive style. Minimal differences between the pre- and posttraining scores for all three training conditions were noted. These findings contrast with developmental research that has indicated the importance of discrimination ability and suggest distinctive problems of adults with poor reading skills.

This study examines psychoanalytic psychology, theories of cognitive style, and cognitive developmental psychology to examine the relationship between cognitive style and defensive style. A new set of cognitive styles of visual attention is formulated at the following developmental levels: (1) global, (2) local, (3) global-plus-local at the concrete operational level, and (4) global-plus-local at the formal operational level, 50 subjects were administered global-local sorting tasks, the Sentence Preference Test, the Embedded Figures Test, and the Defense Style Questionnaire. Analysis provided mixed support for the hypothesized cognition-defense relationship. Results suggested that the "pure" character types are not typical and that their styles of cognition and defense are positively correlated, not independent as expected. However, possible measurement problems preclude any firm conclusions at this time.