In sub-Saharan Africa, young women ages 15-24 have more than twice the risk of acquiring HIV as their male counterparts. A growing body of epidemiological evidence suggests that the practice of "transactional sex" may contribute to this disparity. Over the last 15 years, the social sciences have contributed significantly to understanding the meaning of and motivations for this practice. The findings from these studies are rich, but varied, rendering lessons difficult to navigate for intervention and further research. We therefore contribute a historically-grounded, comprehensive literature review on the nature and motivations for women's participation in transactional sex in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from over 300 studies (through 2014), we distill three prominent paradigms observed in the literature that we review toward presenting a unified conceptualization of the practice. "Sex for basic needs," the first paradigm, positions women as victims in transactional sexual relationships, with implications for interventions that protect girls from exploitation. In contrast, the "sex for improved social status" paradigm positions women as sexual agents who engage in transactional sex toward attaining a middle-class status and lifestyle. Finally, a third paradigm, "sex and material expressions of love," draws attention to the connections between love and money, and the central role of men as providers in relationships. We find important commonalities in the structural factors that shape the three paradigms of transactional sex including gender inequality and processes of economic change. We suggest that there are three continua stretching across these paradigms: deprivation, agency, and instrumentality. This review proposes a definition of transactional sex and discusses implications for research and interventions aiming to reduce young women's risk of HIV through such relationships. We consider the consequences of drawing from too narrow an understanding of the practice, and highlight the benefits of a broader conceptualization.
BackgroundMany programmes on young people and HIV/AIDS prevention have focused on the in-school and channeled sexual and reproductive health messages through schools with limited activities for the young people's families. The assumption has been that parents in African families do not talk about sexual and reproductive health (SRH) with their children. These approach has had limited success because of failure to factor in the young person's family context, and the influence of parents. This paper explores parent-child communication about SRH in families, content, timing and reasons for their communication with their children aged 14-24 years in rural Tanzania.MethodsThis study employed an ethnographic research design. Data collection involved eight weeks of participant observation, 17 focus group discussions and 46 in-depth interviews conducted with young people aged 14-24 years and parents of young people in this age group. Thematic analysis was conducted with the aid of NVIVO 7 software.ResultsParent-child communication about SRH happened in most families. The communication was mainly on same sex basis (mother-daughter and rarely father-son or father-daughter) and took the form of warnings, threats and physical discipline. Communication was triggered by seeing or hearing something a parent perceived negative and would not like their child to experience (such as a death attributable to HIV and unmarried young person's pregnancy). Although most young people were relaxed with their mothers than fathers, there is lack of trust as to what they can tell their parents for fear of punishment. Parents were limited as to what they could communicate about SRH because of lack of appropriate knowledge and cultural norms that restricted interactions between opposite sex.ConclusionsDue to the consequences of the HIV pandemic, parents are making attempts to communicate with their children about SRH. They are however, limited by cultural barriers, and lack of appropriate knowledge. With some skills training on communication and SRH, parents may be a natural avenue for channeling and reinforcing HIV/AIDS prevention messages to their children.
This community-based, qualitative study conducted in rural Kisesa District, Tanzania, explores perceptions and experiences of barriers to accessing the national antiretroviral programme among self-identified HIV-positive persons. Part of wider operations research around local introduction of HIV therapy, the study involved consultation with villagers and documented early referrals' progress through clinical evaluation and, if eligible, further training and drug procurement. Data collection consisted of 16 participatory group discussions with community members and 18 in-depth interviews with treatment-seekers. Although participants welcomed antiretroviral therapy, they feared that transportation and supplementary food costs, the referral hospital's reputation for being unfriendly and confusing, and difficulties in sustaining long-term treatment would limit accessibility. Fear of stigma framed all concerns, posing challenges for contacting referrals who did not want their status disclosed or expressed reluctance to identify a "treatment buddy" as required by the programme. To mitigate logistical barriers, transportation costs were paid and hospital visits facilitated. Participants reported satisfaction with eligibility testing, finding the process easier than anticipated. Most were willing to join a support group and some changed attitudes toward disclosure. However, both experienced and anticipated discrimination continue to hinder widespread antiretroviral therapy (ART) uptake. While simple measures to reduce perceived barriers improved initial access to treatment and helped overcome anxiety among early referrals, pervasive stigma remains the most formidable barrier. Encouraging successful referrals to share their positive experiences and contribute to nascent community mobililzation could start to address this seemingly intractable problem.
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